amencan 


EDITED    BY 


JOHN   T.  MORSE,  JR. 


JAMES    MONROE 


IN  HIS  RELATIONS  TO  THE  PUBLIC  SERVICE 
DURING  HALF  A  CENTURY 


1776  TO  1826 


BY 

DANIEL  C.  OILMAN 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  JOHNS^flQMUJiSjailVEaSITY,  BALTIMORE 


BOSTON 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

New  York:    11   East  Seventeenth   Street 

(Cfre  tf  toersifce  press,  Camfcri&ge 

1883 


Copyright,  1883, 
BY  DANIEL  C.  OILMAN 


^.//  rz'^/tfs  reserved. 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge: 
Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  II.  0.  Houghton  &  Co. 


PKEFACE. 


IN  the  preparation  of  this  volume  free  use 
was  made  of  Monroe  manuscripts  which  had 
not  been  published.  To  those  which  are  in 
the  Department  of  State  I  have  had  access  by 
permission  of  the  Secretary,  Hon.  James  G. 
Elaine,  and  transcripts  of  some  of  them  were 
made  for  me,  with  his  sanction,  by  the  direc 
tion  of  Mr.  Theodore  F.  D  wight,  Librarian  of 
the  Department.  I  am  under  still  greater  ob 
ligations  to  Mrs.  S.  L.  Gouverneur,  Jr.,  of 
"Washington,  who  has  in  her  possession  an  in 
valuable  collection  of  letters  addressed  to  Mon 
roe,  the  grandfather  of  her  husband,  from 
Madison,  Calhoun,  Rush,  Wirt,  Lafayette,  and 
many  other  distinguished  men,  together  with 
original  drafts  of  letters  written  to  them  and 
to  others  by  Monroe.  I  am  far  from  having 
exhausted  these  rich  mines.  Both  collections 
are  imperfectly  arranged,  and  without  a  much 
greater  expenditure  of  time  than  could  be  given 
on  the  spot  their  contents  could  not  be  mas- 


vi  PREFACE. 

tered  ;  and  I  had  not  the  right  to  expect  or  to 
ask  unlimited  permission  to  make  copies.  It 
is  obviously  most  desirable  that  this  private  col 
lection  should  be  bought  by  the  government, 
and  that  the  two  groups  should  be  combined, 
arranged,  and  illustrated  with  memoranda,  for 
consultation  if  not  for  publication.  They 
throw  much  light  upon  this  first  half  century 
of  our  political  progress.  The  papers  controlled 
by  Mrs.  Gouverneur  would  greatly  enhance  the 
value  of  the  more  public  documents  now  owned 
by  the  State  Department. 

During  the  summer  vacation  in  which  the 
principal  part  of  this  work  was  prepared  for 
the  press  I  was  under  special  obligations  to 
the  librarian  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  C.  A. 
Cutter,  Esq.,  and  to  the  librarian  of  the  Free 
Public  Library  in  Worcester.  S.  S.  Green,  Esq., 
for  permission  to  make  use  of  books  in  their 
charge ;  and  at  home  I  had  like  favors  from 
the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  through  the 
courtesy  of  J.  W.  M.  Lee,  Esq.,  the  librarian, 
and  Mr.  John  Gatchell,  the  assistant.  The 
readiness  with  which  the  younger  school  of 
librarians  endeavor  to  make  their  collections 
serviceable  to  students  at  a  distance,  as  well  as 
within  the  walls  of  the  library,  deserves  most 
grateful  recognition.  Mr.  W.  E.  Foster,  of  the 


PREFACE.  vii 

Providence  Free  Public  Library,  was  so  good 
as  to  prepare  for  his  excellent  series  of  Refer 
ence  Lists  a  guide  to  the  study  of  the  times  of 
Monroe,  but  was  afterwards  led  to  adopt  the 
more  comprehensive  scheme  of  references  to 
the  historical  period  covered  by  the  "  American 
Statesmen  "  series. 

For  the  transcript  of  some  of  Washington's 
notes  on  Monroe,  hitherto  not  printed,  thanks 
are  due  to  the  President  of  Cornell  University, 
Hon.  A.  D.  White.  R.  H.  Brock,  Esq.,  of 
Richmond,  Judge  Watson,  of  Charlottesville, 
and  Prof.  J.  M.  Garnett,  of  the  University  of 
Virginia,  have  also  rendered  valuable  aid,  which 
is  acknowledged  on  subsequent  pages. 

I  am  also  under  very  special  obligations  to 
Mr.  J.  F.  Jameson,  Ph.  D.,  of  the  Johns  Hop 
kins  University,  for  his  careful  scrutiny  of  the 
text,  for  his  abstract  of  the  presidential  mes 
sages,  and  for  the  elaborate  bibliography  which 

is  given  in  the  Appendix. 

D.  C.  G. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

ANNALS  OF  MONROE'S  LIFE   .       .       .       '.       .       .    xi 

CHAPTER  I. 
STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER 1 

CHAPTER  II. 
LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA  .        .        .17 

CHAPTER  III. 
ENVOY  IN  FRANCE  .       •       .        .       ...        .36 

CHAPTER  IV. 
ENVOY  IN  FRANCE,  SPAIN,  AND  ENGLAND    .        .        .    74 

CHAPTER  V. 
SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  OF  WAR     .        .        .        .104 

CHAPTER  VI. 
PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES   .        .        .        .125 

CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE        .        .        .       .        .        .156 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
PERSONAL  ASPECT  AND  DOMESTIC  RELATIONS     .        .175 

CHAPTER  IX. 
RETROSPECT  —  REPUTATION  ...  .  200 


x  CONTENTS. 

APPENDIX. 

PAGE 
I. 

THE  MONROE  GENEALOGY 218 

II. 

WASHINGTON'S  NOTES  ON  THE  APPENDIX  TO  MON 
ROE'S  "  VIEW  OF  THE  CONDUCT  OF  THE  EXECU 
TIVE"  221 

ill. 
SYNOPSIS  OF  MONROE'S  PRESIDENTIAL  MESSAGES       .  229 

IV. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  MONROE  AND  THE  MONROE  Doc- 

253 


ANNALS   OF  MONROE'S  LIFE. 


BOYHOOD  AND  MILITARY  SERVICE. 

1758.  Born  in  Westmoreland  Co.,  Virginia,  April  28. 

1765.  Stamp  Act  passed. 

AGS 

1774.     Enters  William  and  Mary  College 16 

1776.  Declaration  of  Independence. 

1776.  In  the  Continental  Army, —  at  Haerlem,  etc.  .     .     18 

1777.  Aide  to  Lord  Stirling 19 

1778.  Returns  to  Virginia 20 

1780.  Military    Commissioner    from    Virginia    to    the 

Southern  army 22 

BEGINNING  OF  CIVIL  SERVICE.  — U.  S.  SENATOR. 

1780.     Student  of  law,  under  Jefferson 22 

1782.     Chosen  to  the  Assembly 24 

1782.  Member  of  the  Executive  Council 24 

1783.  Treaty  of  Peace  with  England. 

1783.     Member  of  the  Continental  Congress  (till  1786) .     25 

1785.  Proposes  his  Commercial  Resolutions 27 

1786.  Marries  Miss  Kortwright    of    New  York,   Feb 

ruary   27 

1786.  Practices  law  in  Fredericksburg 28 

1787.  Chosen  again  to  the  Assembly 29 

1787.  Formation  of  the  Constitution. 

1788.  Member  of  the  Virginia  Convention  to  ratify  the 

Constitution 30 

1790.    United  States  Senator  (till  1794) 32 


Xll  ANNALS  OF  MONROE'S  LIFE. 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC   EXPERIENCE.  — GOVERNOR. 

AGE 

1794.     Commissioned  Minister  to  France  (May  28)      .     .     36 

1794.     Fall  of  Robespierre,  July  28. 

1794.     Arrives  in  Paris  (August  2)  and  is  received  by 

the  National  Convention  (August  15)        ...     36 
1796.     Recalled  to  this  country  (August  22) 38 

1796.  Takes  leave  of  the  French  Government  (Decem 

ber  30)  38 

1797.  Publishes  his  "  View,  etc." 39 

1798.  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts  passed. 

1799.  Chosen    Governor   of   Virginia   (twice   reflected, 

holding  office  till  1802) 41 

1799.     Death  of  Washington. 
1801.     Election  of  Jefferson. 

SECOND    DIPLOMATIC    EXPERIENCE.  —  GOV 
ERNOR. 

1803.  Commissioned  Minister  to   France  and  to  Spain 

(January  11) 44 

1803.  Arrives  in  Paris  (April  12) 44 

1803.  Commissioned  Minister  to  England  (April  18)  .     .  44 

1803.  Signs  the  treaty  ceding  Louisiana  (April  30)   .     .  45 

1803.  Leaves  Paris  (July  12) 45 

1804.  Napoleon  becomes  Emperor. 

1804.  Goes  from  London  to  Madrid,  to  negotiate  about 

Florida      . 46 

1805.  Takes  leave  of  the  Spanish  Court  (May  21)      .     .     47 

1806.  Commissioned,  withPinkney,  to  negotiate  a  treaty 

with  England 47 

1806.     Berlin  and  ]\Iilan  Decrees 

1806.  Treaty  negotiated  (December  31)    .          ....  48 

1807.  Leaves  England  (October  29) 49 

1807.  British  Orders  in  Council. 

1808.  Addresses  Madison  on  the  rejected  treaty  (Feb 

ruary  28) 49 


ANNALS  OF  MONROE'S  LIFE.  xiii 

AGE 

1810.  Chosen  the  third  time  to  the  Assembly     ....     52 

1811.  Again  chosen  Governor  of  Virginia 53 

IN  THE  CABINET  OF  MADISON. 

1811.  Appointed  Secretary  of  State  (till  1817) .     ...     53 

1812.  Declaration  of  war  against  England. 

1814.  Appointed  Secretary  of  War  (till  1815)  '.  ...  56 
1814.  Capture  of  Washington  by  the  British  ....  56 
1814.  Treaty  of  Ghent, 

PRESIDENT. 

1817.  Inaugurated  President  (March  4) 58 

1817.  Tour  to  the  Eastern  States  (June  2  to  September 

17) 59 

1819.  Cession  of  Florida 61 

1820.  Missouri  admitted 61 

1821.  Inaugurated  President  for  a  second  term     ...  62 

1822.  Independence  of  Mexico,  etc.,  recognized      ...  63 

1823.  Enunciation  of  "the  Monroe  Doctrine,"  Message 

of  December  2 65 

1824.  Reception  of  Lafayette 66 

OLD  AGE. 

1825.  Retires  from  the  office  of  President  and  from 

public  life 66 

1826.  Elected  a  Visitor  of  the  University  of  Virginia      .    67 
1826.     Death  of  Adams  and  of  Jefferson. 

1829.  Member  of  Virginia  Constitutional  Convention     .     71 

1830.  Death  of  Mrs.  Monroe. 

1831.  Dies  in  New  York  (July  4) 73 

1836.  Death  of  Madison. 

1858.    Reinterred  in  Richmond,  on  the  centennial  of  his 
birth. 


A 

UNIVERSITY 


JAMES  MONROE 


CHAPTER  I. 

STUDENT  AND  SOLDIEE. 

THE  name  of  James  Monroe,  fifth  President 
of  the  United  States,  is  associated  with  the  chief 
political  events  in  the  history  of  this  country 
during  a  period  of  somewhat  more  than  fifty 
years.  He  served  with  gallantry  in  the  army 
of  the  Revolution  and  was  high  in  office  during 
the  progress  of  the  second  contest  with  Great 
Britain,  and  during  the  Seminole  war ;  he  was 
a  delegate  and  a  senator  in  Congress ;  he  was 
called  to  the  chief  legislative  and  executive  sta 
tions  in  Virginia;  he  represented  the  United 
States  in  France,  Spain,  and  England ;  he  was 
a  prominent  agent  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
and  Florida;  he  was  a  member  of  Madison's 
cabinet,  and  directed  (for  a  while  simultane 
ously)  the  departments  of  State  and  War ;  he 
was  twice  chosen  president,  the  second  time 
with  an  almost  unanimous  vote  of  the  electoral 
l 


2  JAMES  MONROE. 

college ;  his  name  is  given  to  a  political  doc 
trine  of  fundamental  importance;  his  adminis 
tration  is  known  as  "  the  era  of  good  feeling : " 
yet  no  adequate  memoir  of  his  life  has  been 
written,  and  while  the  papers  of  Washington, 
Adams,  Jefferson,  and  Madison  —  his  four  pre 
decessors  in  the  office  of  president  —  have  been 
collected  and  printed  in  a  convenient  form,  the 
student  of  Monroe's  career  must  search  for  the 
data  in  numerous  public  documents,  and  in  the 
unassorted  files  of  unpublished  correspondence. 
Monroe  is  not  alone  among  the  illustrious 
Virginians  whose  memory  it  is  well  to  revive. 
Many  years  ago,  St.  George  Tucker  wrote  to 
William  Wirt,  in  a  half-playful,  half-earnest 
tone,  that  Socrates  himself  would  pass  unno 
ticed  and  forgotten  in  Virginia,  if  he  were  not 
a  public  character  and  some  of  his  speeches 
preserved  in  a  newspaper.  "  Who  knows  any 
thing,"  he  asks,  "  of  Peyton  Randolph,  once 
the  most  popular  man  in  Virginia?  Who  re 
members  Thompson  Mason,  esteemed  the  first 
lawyer  at  the  bar ;  or  his  brother  George 
Mason,  of  whom  I  have  heard  Mr.  Madison  say 
that  he  possessed  the  greatest  talents  for  de 
bate  of  any  man  he  had  ever  heard  speak? 
What  is  known  of  Dabney  Carr  but  that  he 
made  the  motion  for  appointing  committees  of 
-correspondence  in  1773?  Virginia  has  pro- 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  3 

duced  few  men  of  finer  talents,  as  I  have  re 
peatedly  heard.  I  might  name  a  number  of 
others,"  continues  Tucker,  "  highly  respected 
and  influential  men,  .  .  .  yet  how  little  is 
known  of  one  half  of  them  at  the  present 
day  ?  "  Certainly  in  this  second  "  era  of  good 
feeling  "  the  impartial  study  of  such  lives  is  a 
most  inviting  field  of  biographical  research,  and 
may  especially  be  commended  to  advanced  stu 
dents  in  our  universities  who  can,  by  careful 
delineations,  each  of  some  one  career,  contrib 
ute  to  the  general  stock  of  historical  knowl 
edge,  and  acquire,  at  the  same  time,  a  vivid 
personal  interest  in  the  progress  of  past  events. 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  give  in  detail  the  per 
sonal  and  domestic  history  of  Monroe,  nor  can  I, 
in  the  space  at  command,  do  justice  to  his  volum 
inous  writings;  but  I  shall  endeavor  to  show 
what  he  was  in  public,  how  he  bore  himself 
in  the  legislative,  diplomatic,  and  administra 
tive  positions  to  which  he  was  called,  and  what 
influence  he  exerted  upon  the  progress  of  this 
country.  It  will  be  necessary  for  the  complete 
ness  of  the  study  to  inquire  into  the  early  train 
ing  which  gave  an  impulse  to  his  life,  and  to 
examine,  in  conclusion,  the  opinions  pronounced 
upon  his  conduct  by  those  who  knew  him  and 
by  those  who  came  after  him.  Another  hand 
will  doubtless  draw  a  more  elaborate  portrait ; 


4  JAMES  MONROE. 

I  shall  only  try  to  give  a  faithful  sketch  of  an 
honest  and  patriotic  citizen  as  he  discharged 
the  duties  of  exalted  stations. 

James  Monroe,  according  to  the  family  tradi 
tion  recorded  by  his  son-in-law,  came  from  a 
family  of  Scotch  cavaliers,  descendants  of  Hec 
tor  Monroe,  an  officer  of  Charles  I.1  His  parent 
age  on  both  sides  was  Virginian.  The  father 
of  James  was  Spence  Monroe,  and  his  mother 
was  Eliza  Jones,  of  King  George  County,  a  sis 
ter  of  Joseph  Jones,  who  was  twice  sent  as  a 
delegate  from  Virginia  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  and  afterwards,  in  1789,  was  appointed 
judge  of  the  district  court  in  the  same  State. 
Westmoreland  County,  where  the  future  Presi 
dent  was  born,  lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Potomac,  between  that  river  and  the  Rappa- 
hannock.  It  is  famous  for  the  fertility  of  its 
soil,  and  for  the  eminent  men  who  have  been 
among  its  inhabitants.  Near  the  head  of  Mon 
roe's  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  Potomac, 
James  Monroe  was  born,  April  28,  1758.  Not 
far  away,  nearer  the  Potomac,  was  the  birth 
place  of  George  Washington.  In  the  same  vi 
cinity  dwelt  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  his  noted 
brothers,  and  also  their  famous  cousin,  Henry 
Lee,  known  as  "  Light  Horse  Harry,"  whose 
1  See  Appendix. 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  5 

still  more  famous  son,  Robert  E.  Lee,  led  the 
Confederate  army  in  the  recent  war.  Here  also 
was  the  early  home  of  Bushrod  Washington. 
The  birthplace  of  James  Madison  was  in  the 
same  peninsula,  though  not  in  the  same  county. 
It  is  not  strange  that  the  enthusiastic  antiqua 
ries,  half  a  century  ago,  —  Martin,  Barber,  and 
the  rest,  —  should  speak  of  this  region  as  the 
Athens  of  Virginia,  an  expression  which  may 
not  be  regarded  as  exact  by  classical  scholars, 
but  cannot  be  called  unpatriotic  !  The  ascend 
ancy  of  this  region  is  not  without  its  parallel.1 
During  Monroe's  boyhood  his  neighbors  and 
friends  were  greatly  excited  by  the  passage  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  In  1766,  several  of  them,  in 
cluding  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Spence  Monroe, 
and  John  Monroe,  joined  in  a  remonstrance 
against  the  execution  of  the  act,  and  in  many 

1  A  recent  writer  (Hon.  F.  J.  Kingsbury)  on  old  Connecti 
cut  makes  the  following  remark  :  "From  the  earliest  settle 
ment  of  Connecticut  down  to  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of 
the  present  century,  agriculture  was  the  important  branch  of 
our  industry,  and  land  was  the  source  as  well  as  the  represen 
tative  of  most  of  our  wealth.  For  two  hundred  years  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  the  good  land  governed  the  State.  Every 
where  it  was  only  necessary  to  know  the  soil  in  order  to  know 
also  the  character  of  the  people.  The  best  soil  bore  every 
where  the  best  men  and  women,  and  that  seed  which  had  been 
winnowed  out  of  the  granaries  of  the  old  world  to  plant  in  the 
new,  did  not  take  unkindly  to  the  strong  uplands  and  rich 
bottoms  of  the  great  river  and  its  tributaries." 


6  JAMES  MONROE. 

other  ways  showed  their  hostility  to  the  arbi 
trary  rule  of  the  British  government.  Lee  had 
received  an  academic  training  about  ten  years 
before  at  an  academy  in  Wakefield,  Yorkshire, 
and  was  a  correspondent  of  men  of  station  in 
London.  He  suggested  to  his  neighbors,  in 
1767,  that  they  should  subscribe  for  a  portrait 
of  Camden,  then  Lord  High  Chancellor,  as  a 
token  of  their  admiration  for  his  opposition  to 
the  Stamp  Act.  The  amount  which  they  raised, 
«£76  8s.,  was  sent  to  Mr.  Edmund  Jennings, 
Lincoln's  Inn,  London,  with  a  request  that  he 
would  take  the  requisite  steps  to  procure  the 
portrait.  Reynolds  was  "  the  limner  "  selected 
by  the  Virginians,  but  Lee  did  not  hesitate  to 
give  his  personal  opinion  that  "  Mr.  West, 
being  an  American,  ought  to  be  preferred  in 
this  matter."  Lord  Camden,  wrote  Jennings, 
"  having  appointed  several  different  times  for 
Mr.  West's  attending  on  him,  hath  at  length, 
it  seems,  totally  forgot  his  promise.  .  .  .  Draw 
for  the  money,  and  should  his  lordship  at  any 
time  recollect  his  engagement,  and  be  worthy 
of  your  approbation  and  honoring,  I  shall  beg  the 
gentlemen  [of  Westmoreland]  to  accept  from 
me  his  portrait."  The  Virginians  were  also 
eager  to  have  a  portrait  of  Lord  Chatham,  and 
their  correspondent,  Mr.  Jennings,  had  a  fine 
likeness  copied  and  sent  to  the  old  Dominion. 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  7 

Lee  wrote  from  Chantilly,  in  1769,  that  the  gen 
tlemen  of  Westmoreland  returned  their  thanks 
"  for  the  very  genteel  present  of  Lord  Chat 
ham's  picture.  It  arrived  in  fine  order,  and  is 
very  much  admired.  They  propose  to  place  it 
in  the  court  house,  thinking  the  Assembly  may 
furnish  themselves  with  his  lordship's  picture." 
He  adds  that  his  brother,  Dr.  Lee,  can  show 
Mr.  Jennings  "  the  proceedings  of  our  last  As 
sembly,  by  which  you  may  judge  how  bright  the 
flame  of  liberty  burns  here,  and  may  surely  con 
vince  a  tyrannous  administration  that  honesty 
and  equity  alone  can  secure  the  cordiality  and 
affection  of  Virginia."  Under  influences  like 
these  the  young  Monroe  was  trained  in  the  love 
of  civil  liberty.  Indeed,  Bishop  Meade  declares 
that  Virginia  had  been  fighting  the  battles  of 
the  Revolution  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  years 
before  the  Declaration.1 

The  College  of  William  and  Mary  had  been 
in  existence,  with  varying  fortunes,  not  far  from 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  years,  when  James 
Monroe  entered  it  as  a  student,  a  short  time 
before  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Its  historian 
claims  that  it  was  then  the  richest  college  in 
North  America,  having  an  annual  income  of 
<£4,000.  A  scholar  cannot  read  the  early  ac 
counts  of  that  venerable  foundation,  next  in  age 

1  Old  Churches,  etc.,  of  Virginia,  i.  15. 


8  JAMES  MONROE. 

to  Harvard,  and  examine  the  list  of  those  who 
have  been  trained  for  their  country's  service 
within  its  walls,  without  deep  regret  that  the 
fire  and  the  sword  have  so  often  interfered  with 
its  prosperity,  or  without  the  wish  that  restitu 
tion  may  be  made  in  full  for  some  of  its  most 
recent  losses. 

When  Monroe  began  his  college  studies,  Wil- 
liamsburg,  the  strategic  point  of  the  peninsula 
between  the  James  and  the  York,  was  the  seat 
both  of  the  colonial  government  and  of  the  col 
lege.  Bishop  Meade,  with  conscious  exaggera 
tion,  speaks  of  the  capital  as  a  miniature  copy 
of  the  Court  of  St.  James,  "  while  the  old 
church  and  its  grave-yard,  and  the  college 
chapel  were  —  si  licet  cum  magnis  componere 
parva  —  the  Westminster  Abbey  and  the  St. 
Paul's  of  London,  where  the  great  ones  were 
interred." 

At  the  signal  of  rebellion  against  the  British 
authority,  three  of  the  professors  and  between 
twenty -five  and  thirty  students  are  said  to 
have  joined  their  comrades  from  Harvard,  Yale, 
and  Princeton  in  the  military  ranks.  Among 
the  volunteers  John  Marshall  and  James  Mon 
roe  were  found.  In  allusion  to  these  young 
patriots,  Hon.  H.  B.  Grigsby,  in  his  historical 
discourse  on  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1776, 
spoke  as  follows  :  — 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  9 

u  I  see  that  generous  band  of  students  who  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution  hurriedly  cast  aside  the 
gown  and  sallied  forth  to  fight  the  battles  of  the 
United  Colonies,  .  .  .  and  when  the  struggle  was 
past  I  see  two  tall  and  gallant  youths,  who  had  been 
classmates  in  early  youth,  and  whose  valor  had  shone 
on  many  a  field,  enter  their  names  on  your  lists  and, 
after  an  abode  beneath  your  roof,  depart  once  more 
to  serve  their  country  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  most 
celebrated  courts  of  Europe,  crowning  their  past  ca 
reer  by  filling,  one  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  Union, 
the  other  the  highest  of  the  federal  judiciary." 

It  is  also  worthy  to  be  mentioned  here,  that 
the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society,  whose  chapters 
have  been  established  in  so  many  colleges,  was 
formed  at  William  and  Mary,  December  5, 
1776.  The  first  meeting,  we  are  told,  was  held 
in  the  Apollo  Hall  of  the  old  Raleigh  tavern,  a 
room  in  which  the  burning  words  of  Henry 
had  been  heard.  In  the  printed  list  of  orig 
inal  members  the  names  of  John  Marshall  and 
Bushrod  Washington  appear,  but  I  do  not  find 
James  Monroe's.1 

The  public  career  of  James  Monroe  began  in 
1776  with  his  joining  the  continental  army  at 
the  headquarters  of  Washington  near  New  York, 
as  a  lieutenant  in  the  third  Virginian  regiment 
under  Colonel  Hugh  Mercer.  He  was  with  the 

1  See  the  History  of  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  1874. 


10  JAMES  MONROE. 

troops  at  Haerlem  (September  16),  and  at  White 
Plains  (October  28),  and  at  Trenton,  where  he 
received  an  honorable  wound  (December  26). 
His  part  in  the  last  mentioned  engagement  is 
described  by  General  Wilkinson  in  his  printed 
memoirs,  and  with  slightly  different  language 
in  a  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Gouverneur 
papers.  From  this  statement  it  appears  that, 
as  the  British  were  forming  in  the  main  street 
of  Trenton,  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Amer 
ican  left  was  led  by  Captain  William  Wash 
ington  and  Lieutenant  James  Monroe.  The 
British  were  driven  back  and  two  pieces  of 
artillery  were  captured.  Captain  Washington 
was  wounded  through  the  wrist,  and  Lieuten 
ant  Monroe  through  the  shoulder.  "  These  par 
ticular  acts  of  gallantry,"  says  the  narrative, 
"  have  never  been  noticed,  yet  they  cannot  be 
too  highly  appreciated,  since  to  them  may,  in 
a  great  measure,  be  ascribed  the  facility  of  our 
success." 

During  the  campaigns  of  1777—78  Monroe 
served  as  a  volunteer  aid,  and  with  the  rank  of 
major,  on  the  staff  of  the  Earl  of  Stirling,  and 
took  part  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine  (Sep 
tember  11),  Germantown  (October  4),  and 
Monmouth  (June  28). l  His  temporary  promo- 

1  He  is  said  to  have  been  with  Lafayette  when  the  latter  was 
wounded. 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  11 

tion  appears  to  have  been  an  obstacle  to  his 
permanent  preferment,  for  by  it  he  lost  his 
place  in  the  continental  line.  Strong  influ 
ences  were  brought  to  bear  in  Virginia  to  se 
cure  for  him  some  suitable  position  in  the 
forces  of  that  State.  Lord  Stirling  gave  him 
testimonials,  and  the  Commander-in-Chief 
wrote  a  long  letter,  —  addressed  to  Archibald 
Gary,  and  doubtless  intended  for  other  eyes, 
—  rehearsing  in  terms  of  careful  commendation 
the  merits  of  young  Monroe.  These  are  the 
words  of  Washington  :  — 

"  The  zeal  he  discovered  by  entering  the  service  at 
an  early  period,  the  character  he  supported  in  his 
regiment,  and  the  manner  in  which  he  received  a 
wound,  induced  me  to  appoint  him  to  a  captaincy  in 
one  of  the  additional  regiments.  This  regiment  fail 
ing,  from  the  difficulty  of  recruiting,  he  entered  into 
Lord  Stirling's  family  and  has  served  two  campaigns 
as  a  volunteer  aid  to  his  lordship.  He  has  in  every 
instance  maintained  the  reputation  of  a  brave,  active, 
and  sensible  officer.  As  we  cannot  introduce  him  into 
the  continental  line,  it  were  to  be  wished  that  the 
State  could  do  something  for  him." 

But  even  the  possession  of  a  good  record,  and 
the  encouragement  of  Washington,  with  the  in 
dorsements  of  Lord  Stirling  and  the  patronage 
of  Jefferson,  could  not  effect  everything.  Mr. 
Adams  says  the  exhausted  state  of  the  country 


12  JAMES  MONROE. 

prevented  the  raising  of  a  new  regiment,  and 
the  active  military  services  of  Monroe  were 
afterwards  restricted  to  occasional  duties  as  a 
volunteer  in  defence  of  the  State  against  the 
distressing  invasions  with  which  it  was  visited. 
Once,  after  the  fall  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  in 
1780,  according  to  the  same  writer,  he  repaired, 
at  the  request  of  Governor  Jefferson,  as  a  mili 
tary  commissioner  to  collect  and  report  informa 
tion  with  regard  to  the  condition  and  prospects 
of  the  Southern  army,  —  a  trust  which  he  dis 
charged  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  authorities.1 
He  thus  attained  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel,  and  here  his  military  services  were  in 
terrupted. 

It  is  not  surprising  to  discover  that  the  young 
officer,  who  had  quickly  attained  distinction, 
was  paralyzed  by  inactivity.  "  Till  lately,"  he 
writes  to  Lord  Stirling  in  September,  1782, 
apologizing  for  a  long  epistolary  silence,  "  I 
have  been  a  recluse.  Chagrined  with  my  dis 
appointment  in  not  attaining  the  rank  and 
command  I  sought,  chagrined  with  some  disap 
pointments  in  a  private  line,  I  retired  from  soci 
ety  with  almost  a  resolution  never  to  return  to 
it  again." 

In  this  state  of  mind  he  thought  of  going 
abroad,  and  Jefferson  wrote  a  letter  introducing 
1  Eulogy  by  J.  Q.  Adams. 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  13 

him  to  Franklin,  then  resident  in  Paris.  After 
wards,  like  many  others  in  adversity,  he  sought 
solace  in  books,  and  recurred  to  the  studies 
which  had  been  interrupted  by  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war.  There  is  still  extant  an  interesting 
letter  addressed  to  Monroe,  in  the  time  of  his 
despondency,  by  Judge  Jones,  whose  name  has 
already  been  mentioned.  It  is  the  earliest  I 
have  seen  in  a  long  series  —  preserved  among 
the  Gouverneur  manuscripts  —  combining  the 
shrewd  remarks  upon  political  affairs  of  a  man 
in  public  life,  with  the  confidential  sugges 
tions  of  an  uncle  to  the  nephew  whom  he  was 
watching  with  almost  paternal  affection.  It  is 
much  to  be  desired  that  the  letters  of  Monroe,  at 
this  period,  should  be  recovered,  —  but  even 
without  them  we  may  learn,  by  reflection  from 
the  correspondence  of  the  judge,  much  which 
was  passing  in  the  young  man's  mind.  Mon 
roe  had  consulted  his  uncle  as  to  whether  it 
would  be  best  for  him  to  follow  the  lectures 
on  law  to  be  given  by  Mr.  Wythe,  in  the  col 
lege  at  Williamsburg,  or  to  follow  the  fortunes 
of  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  governor,  at  Richmond. 
The  advice  which  was  given  betrays  the  sagac 
ity  of  the  counsellor. 


14  JAMES  MONROE. 

JOSEPH   JONES   TO   JAMES    MONROE,  MARCH   7,  1780. 

"  This  post  will  bring  you  a  letter  from  me,  account 
ing  for  your  not  hearing  sooner  what  had  been  done 
in  your  affairs.  If  your  overseer  sends  up  before 
next  post-day  you  shall  hear  the  particulars.  Charles 
Lewis,  going  down  to-  the  college,  gives  me  an  oppor 
tunity  of  answering,  by  him,  your  inquiry  respecting 
your  removal  with  the  Governor,  or  attending  Mr. 
Wythe's  lectures.  If  Mr.  Wythe  means  to  pursue 
Mr.  Blackstone's  method  I  should  think  you  ought 
to  attend  him  from  the  commencement  of  his  course, 
if  at  all,  and  to  judge  of  this,  for  want  of  proper  in 
formation,  is  difficult ;  indeed  I  incline  to  think  Mr. 
Wythe,  under  the  present  state  of  our  laws,  will  be 
much  embarrassed  to  deliver  lectures  with  that  per 
spicuity  and  precision  which  might  be  expected  from 
him  under  a  more  established  and  settled  state  of 
them.  The  undertaking  is  arduous  and  the  subject 
intricate  at  the  best,  but  is  rendered  much  more  so 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  country  and  the  im 
perfect  system  now  in  use,  inconsistent  in  some  in 
stances  with  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
national  government.  Should  the  revision  be  passed 
the  next  session,  it  would.  I  think,  lighten  his  labors 
and  render  them  more  useful  to  the  student ;  other 
wise  he  will  be  obliged  to  pursue  the  science  under 
the  old  form,  pointing  out  in  his  course  the  inconsis 
tency  with  the  present  established  government  and 
the  proposed  alterations.  Whichever  method  he  may 
like,  or  whatever  plan  he  may  lay  down  to  govern 


STUDENT  AND  SOLDIER.  15 

him,  I  doubt  not  it  will  be  executed  with  credit  to 
himself  and  satisfaction  and  benefit  to  his  auditors. 
The  Governor  need  not  fear  the  favor  of  the  commu 
nity  as  to  his  future  appointment,  while  he  continues 
to  make  the  common  good  his  study.  I  have  no  in 
timate  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  but  from  the 
knowledge  I  have  of  him,  he  is  in  my  opinion  as 
proper  a  man  as  can  be  put  into  the  office,  having 
the  requisites  of  ability,  firmness,  and  diligence.  You 
do  well  to  cultivate  his  friendship,  and  cannot  fail  to 
entertain  a  grateful  sense  of  the  favors  he  has  con 
ferred  upon  you,  and  while  you  continue  to  deserve 
his  esteem  he  will  not  withdraw  his  countenance.  If, 
therefore,  upon  conferring  with  him  upon  the  subject 
he  wishes  or  shows  a  desire  that  you  go  with  him,  I 
would  gratify  him.  Should  you  remain  to  attend 
Mr.  Wythe,  I  would  do  it  with  his  approbation,  and 
under  the  expectation  that  when  you  come  to  Rich 
mond  you  shall  hope  for  the  continuance  of  his  friend 
ship  and  assistance.  There  is  likelihood  the  cam 
paign  will  this  year  be  to  the  South,  and  in  the  course 
of  it  events  may  require  the  exertions  of  the  militia  of 
this  State ;  in  which  case,  should  a  considerable  body 
be  called  for,  I  hope  Mr.  Jefferson  will  head  them 
himself ;  and  you  no  doubt  will  be  ready  cheerfully 
to  give  him  your  company  and  assistance,  as  well  to 
make  some  return  of  civility  to  him  as  to  satisfy 
your  own  feelings  for  the  common  good." 

No  one  will  be  surprised  to  find  that  under 
such  circumstances,  and  with  such  advice,  the 


16  JAMES  MONROE. 

young  aspirant  became  attached  to  the  Gov 
ernor.  He  writes  to  Lord  Stirling,  in  the  let 
ter  already  quoted,  "  I  submitted  the  direction 
of  my  time  and  plan  to  my  friend  Mr.  Jeffer 
son,  one  of  our  wisest  and  most  virtuous  repub 
licans,  and  aided  by  his  advice  I  have  hitherto, 
of  late,  lived." 

I  am  strongly  inclined  to  believe  that  the  in 
timacy  with  Jefferson,  the  early  stages  of  which 
are  here  described,  was  the  key  to  Monroe's  po 
litical  career.  On  many  subsequent  occasions 
the  support  and  counsel  of  the  older  statesman 
had  a  marked  influence  upon  the  life  of  the 
younger.  Their  friendship  continued  till  it  was 
broken  by  Jefferson's  death.  Fifty  years  after 
the  incidents  here  narrated  the  teacher  and  the 
pupil,  having  both  served  in  the  office  of  Presi 
dent,  were  associated  with  a  third  ex-President, 
the  life-long  friend  of  both,  in  the  control  of 
the  University  of  Virginia,  and  repeatedly  met 
in  council  at  Charlottesville. 


CHAPTER  II. 

LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR    OF  VIRGINIA. 

MONROE  was  called  into  service  as  a  legis 
lator  at  a  very  early  period  of  his  life.  If 
his  public  career  had  been  restricted  to  such 
opportunities  of  influence  he  would  have  been 
conspicuous  among  the  statesmen  of  Virginia. 
He  was  first  a  delegate  to  the  Assembly  and 
a  member  of  the  executive  council ;  he  went 
to  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  Congresses  of 
the  Confederation ;  for  a  second  time  he  was  re 
turned  to  the  Assembly  ;  he  was  a  member  of 
the  convention  in  Virginia  which  adopted  the 
United  States  Constitution ;  he  was  a  senator 
of  the  United  States  before  his  diplomatic  ser 
vice  began  ;  and  after  long  interruptions,  and 
the  attainment  of  national  eminence,  his  pres 
ence  gave  dignity  to  the  convention  which 
adopted  the  Constitution  of  1830,  though  age 
and  infirmities  precluded  an  active  participation 
in  the  proceedings.  Eleven  years  of  his  early 
life  were  nearly  all  devoted  to  legislative  work, 
but  so  far  as  this  related  to  the  affairs  of  Vir 
ginia  I  do  not  discover  any  traces  of  notewor- 
2 


18  JAMES  MONROE. 

thy  influence.  A  letter  of  his  to  Jefferson 
(in  1782),  when  the  latter  in  an  aggrieved 
mood  was  absenting  himself  from  the  House 
of  Delegates,  has  been  printed,  and  the  reply 
which  it  drew  forth.1  The  plainness  of  Mon 
roe's  words  and  the  frankness  of  the  reply 
which  he  received,  indicate  a  continuance  of 
the  intimacy  already  referred  to.  It  was  like 
wise  to  Monroe  that  Jefferson  wrote,  three 
years  later,  from  Paris,  explaining  why  he  did 
not  publish  his  printed  notes  on  Virginia :  "  I 
fear  the  terms  in  which  I  speak  of  slavery  and 
of  our  Constitution  will  do  more  harm  than 
good;  "  and  again,  "I  sincerely  wish  you  may 
find  it  convenient  to  come  here ;  the  pleasure 
of  the  trip  will  be  less  than  you  expect,  but  the 
utility  greater.  It  will  make  you  adore  your 
own  country,  its  soil,  its  climate,  its  equality, 
liberty,  laws,  people,  and  manners." 

On  the  other  hand,  as  a  delegate  yi  Congress 
Monroe  was  conspicuous,  and  the  record  of  his 
service  is  closely  involved  with  those  important 
discussions  which  revealed  the  imperfection  of 
the  Confederation.  His  term  of  service  ex 
tended  from  1783  to  1786,  and  he  attended  the 
sessions  which  were  held  in  Annapolis,  —  where 
he  saw  Washington  resign  his  commission,  — 
Trenton,  and  New  York.  During  this  period 

1  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  316.     Randall's  Jefferson,  I  413. 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     19 

he  corresponded  intimately  (sometimes  using  a 
cipher)  with  Joseph  Jones,  Madison,  and  Jeffer 
son,  and  a  large  part  of  his  letters  are  still  ex 
tant,  with  many  of  the  answers. 

Soon  after  the  war  it  became  evident  that  the 
powers  of  the  Confederation  were  quite  inade 
quate  for  the  proper  regulation  of  commerce, 
and  Congress,  as  well  as  the  public  men  who 
were  not  in  Congress,  was  seriously  engaged  in 
searching  for  the  requisite  remedy.  Monroe 
took  a  prominent  part  in  the  discussions,  and 
the  noteworthy  motion  which  he  made  upon 
the  subject  was  referred  to  a  special  commit 
tee,  who  reported  a  recommendation,  that  the 
ninth  of  the  articles  of  confederation  be  so  al 
tered  as  to  secure  to  Congress  the  power  to 
regulate  commerce,  with  the  assent  of  nine 
States  in  Congress  assembled.1 

He  favored  a  regulation  that  all  imposts 
should  be  collected  under  the  authority  and 
accrue  to  the  use  of  the  State  in  which  the 
same  might  be  payable.  The  report  embodying 
this  proviso  was  read  in  Congress  March  28, 
1785,  and  the  copy  of  it  preserved  in  the  pub 
lic  archives  has  a  few  corrections  in  Monroe's 

1  This  subject  has  been  carefully  studied  by  Mr.  Bancroft, 
and  presented  in  his  new  volumes  with  so  much  fulness  that 
I  can  only  follow  his  guidance.  See  his  Hist,  of  the  U.  S. 
Const,  i.  192-196.  Cf.  Sparks,  Washington,  ix.  503-507. 


20  JAMES  MONROE. 

handwriting.  Many  interesting  papers  are  ex 
tant  which  bear  upon  this  question,  —  among 
them  a  letter  from  James  McHenry  to  Wash 
ington,  and  the  latter's  reply.  The  Virginia 
Assembly  also  engaged  in  the  discussion  of  a 
series  of  propositions  which  tended  in  the  same 
direction.  On  April  12  Monroe  wrote  to  Jef 
ferson,  sending  him  the  committee's  report, 
and  saying  that  he  thinks  it  best  to  postpone 
action  on  it  for  a  time.  "  It  hath  been  brought 
so  far,"  he  adds,  "  without  a  prejudice  against 
it.  If  carried  farther  here,  prejudices  will  take 
place."  He  thinks  it  better  that  the  States 
should  act  separately  upon  the  measure.  A 
few  weeks  later  he  wrote  again  to  Jefferson  as 
follows  :  "  The  report  upon  the  ninth  article 
hath  not  been  taken  up ;  the  importance  of  the 
subject  and  the  deep  and  radical  change  it  will 
create  in  the  bond  of  the  union,  together  with 
the  conviction  that  something  must  be  done, 
seems  to  create  an  aversion  or  rather  a  fear 
of  acting  on  it."  Then,  as  if  he  foresaw  the 
coming  concentration  of  powers  in  the  general 
government,  he  expresses  a  belief  that  the 
proposed  change,  if  adopted,  will  certainly  in 
troduce  "  the  most  permanent  and  powerful 
principle  in  the  Confederation." 1  A  month 
later  (July  15)  Jefferson  was  again  told  how 
1  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  Const,  i.  450-455. 


LEGISLATOR  AND   GOVERNOR  OF   VIRGINIA.     21 

the  debate  went  forward.  "  In  my  opinion,"  says 
Monroe,  "  the  reasons  in  favor  of  changing  the 
ninth  article  are  conclusive,  but  the  opposition 
is  respectable  in  point  of  numbers  as  well  as 
talents.  What  will  be  done  is  uncertain."  To 
Madison  he  afterwards  writes,  summing  up 
quite  carefully  the  arguments  on  both  sides. 
December  came  and  Congress  did  not  act. 
"  The  advocates  for  the  measure  will  scarcely 
succeed,"  said  Randolph  to  Washington,  "  so 
strong  are  the  apprehensions  in  some  minds  of 
an  abuse  of  the  power."  At  the  end  of  the 
month,  Monroe,  still  sure  of  the  necessity  of 
committing  to  the  United  States  the  power  of 
regulating  trade,  wrote  once  more  to  Madison. 
In  February  the  prospect  was  no  better.  In 
May  there  was  a  gleam  of  light.  The  plan 
of  a  convention  at  Annapolis  (which  in  March 
Monroe  himself  had  not  favored)  had  taken 
the  subject  from  before  Congress.  "  As  it  orig 
inated  with  our  State,"  he  writes,  "  we  think 
it  our  duty  to  promote  its  object  by  all  the 
means  in  our  power.  Of  its  success  I  must 
confess  I  have  some  hope.  .  .  .  Truth  and 
sound  state  policy  in  every  instance  will  urge 
the  commission  of  the  power  to  the  United 
States."  Thus  it  was  that  Congress  by  its 
own  lack  of  power  was  led  to  the  convention 
which  formed  the  Constitution,  and,  in  a  far 


22  JAMES  MONROE. 

wiser  manner  than  that  originally  suggested, 
provided  for  the  regulation  of  trade.  But  in 
August  Monroe  was  despondent.  "  Our  affairs," 
he  writes,  "  are  daily  falling  into  a  worse  situ 
ation  ;  "  there  is  a  party,  he  says,  ready  to  dis 
member  the  confederacy  and  throw  the  States 
eastward  of  the  Hudson  into  one  government. 
He  urges  Madison  to  use  his  utmost  exertions 
in  the  convention  to  obtain  good  as  well  as  to 
prevent  mischief,  and  adds  to  his  appeal  this 
pregnant  postscript :  "  I  have  always  consid 
ered  the  regulation  of  trade  in  the  hands  of 
the  United  States  as  necessary  to  preserve  the 
Union  ;  without  it,  it  will  infallibly  tumble 
to  pieces ;  but  I  earnestly  wish  the  admission 
of  a  few  additional  States  into  the  confederacy 
in  the  Southern  scale."  The  question,  it  is 
well  known,  was  finally  settled  in  the  conven 
tion  at  Philadelphia,  Delaware  and  South  Car 
olina  voting  with  the  North  against  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Georgia.1 

In  March,  1784,  Monroe,  with  Jefferson, 
Hardy,  and  A.  Lee,  delivered  to  Congress  a  deed 
which  ceded  to  the  United  States  Virginia's 
claims  to  the  northwest  territory,  and  thence 
forward  the  government  of  that  region  con 
tinued  to  be  one  of  the  subjects  in  which  he 
took  most  interest.  During  the  summer  recess 
1  Bancroft,  ii.  162. 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF   VIRGINIA,     23 

of  Congress  he  made  an  extended  tour  of  obser 
vation.  To  Jefferson,  July  20,  he  wrote  as  fol 
lows  :  "  The  day  after  to-morrow  I  set  out  upon 
the  route  through  the  western  country.  I  have 
changed  the  direction  and  shall  commence  for 
the  westward  upon  the  North  River  by  Albany. 
I  shall  pass  through  the  lakes,  visit  the  posts, 
and  come  down  to  the  Ohio  and  thence  home." 
Thus  he  hopes  "  to  acquire  a  better  knowledge 
of  the  posts  which  we  should  occupy,  the  cause 
of  the  delay  of  the  evacuation  by  British  troops, 
the  temper  of  the  Indians  toward  us,  —  as  well 
as  of  the  soil,  waters,  and  in  general  the  natural 
view  of  the  country."  He  wrote  to  Governor 
Harrison  as  to  what  had  taken  place  in  Canada ; 
and  to  Madison,  November  15,  on  the  impor 
tance  of  garrisoning  the  western  forts,  about  to 
be  given  up  by  the  British.  On  December  2 
John  Marshall  congratulated  him  on  "  a  safe 
return  to  the  Atlantic  part  of  the  world." 

Some  months  later,  when  a  conference  was  to 
be  held  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami  with 
the  Shawnees,  Monroe  again  went  beyond  the 
Alleghanies,  as  far  as  Fort  Pitt,  and  began  the 
descent  of  the  Ohio,  but  abandoned  the  expe 
dition  on  account  of  the  low  state  of  the  water, 
and  returned  to  Richmond.  These  two  jour 
neys  had  a  marked  influence  upon  his  action 
in  Congress,  as  the  careful  narrative  of  Ban- 


24  JAMES  MONROE. 

croft,  already  repeatedly  quoted,  shows  most 
clearly.  On  the  motion  of  Monroe  a  grand 
committee  was  appointed  by  Congress  to  con 
sider  the  division  of  the  western  territory,  and 
their  report  was  presented  March  24.  A  little 
later,  another  committee,  of  which  Monroe  was 
chairman,  was  appointed  to  consider  and  report 
a  form  of  temporary  government  for  the  Wes 
tern  States.  His  report,  which  said  nothing  of 
slavery,  failed  of  adoption.  A  year  later  a  new 
committee  prepared  a  new  ordinance,  which 
embodied  the  best  parts  of  the  work  of  their 
predecessors.  I  will  give  the  rest  of  the  story 
in  Bancroft's  own  language  :  — 

"  The  ordinance  contained  no  allusion  to  slavery  ; 
and  in  that  form  it  received  its  first  reading  and  was 
ordered  to  be  printed.  Grayson,  then  presiding  offi 
cer  of  Congress,  had  always  opposed  slavery.  Two 
years  before  he  had  wished  success  to  the  attempt  of 
King  for  its  restriction ;  and  everything  points  to 
him  as  the  immediate  cause  of  tjie  tranquil  spirit  of 
disinterested  statesmanship  which  took  possession  of 
every  Southern  man  in  the  assembly.  Of  the  mem 
bers  of  Virginia,  Richard  Henry  Lee  had  stood 
against  Jefferson  on  this  very  question  ;  but  now  he 
acted  with  Grayson,  and  from  the  States  of  which  no 
man  had  yielded  before,  every  one  chose  the  part 
which  was  to  bring  on  their  memory  the  benedictions 
of  all  coming  ages.  Obeying  an  intimation  from  the 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.      25 

South,  Nathan  Dane  copied  from  Jefferson  the  pro 
hibition  of  involuntary  servitude  in  the  territory,  and 
quieted  alarm  by  adding  from  the  report  of  King  a 
clause  for  the  delivering  up  of  the  fugitive  slave. 
This,  at  the  second  reading  of  the  ordinance,  he 
moved  as  a  sixth  article  of  compact,  and  on  the  thir 
teenth  day  of  July,  1787,  the  great  statute  forbidding 
slavery  to  cross  the  river  Ohio  was  passed  by  the 
vote  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina, 
Virginia,  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  and 
Massachusetts,  all  the  States  that  were  then  present 
in  Congress.  Pennsylvania  and  three  States  of  New 
England  were  absent ;  Maryland  only  of  the  South." 

At  the  next  Assembly  in  Virginia,  a  commit 
tee  of  which  Monroe  was  a  member  "  brought 
forward  the  bill  by  which  Virginia  confirmed 
the  ordinance  for  the  colonization  of  all  the  ter 
ritory  then  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States  by  freemen  alone." 

Among  other  subjects  in  which  Monroe  took 
a  deep  interest  while  a  delegate  in  Congress,  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  prominent. 
The  treaty  with  Great  Britain  had  stipulated 
that  this  river  from  its  source  to  its  mouth 
should  be  open  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Spain 
objected.  Some  parties  were  ready  to  surrender 
this  right,  but  among  those  who  persistently 
refused  to  do  so  were  the  Virginia  delegates, 


26  JAMES  MONROE. 

including  Monroe,  who  wrote  a  memoir  in 
1786  to  prove  the  right  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  western  country  to  a  free  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi.  Positive  action  was  postponed 
until  the  new  government  was  about  to  be  or 
ganized,  and  Congress  then  declared  its  opinion 
in  clear  and  bold  terms.  It  was  due  to  the 
foresight  and  firmness  of  a  few  strong  men  that 
the  claims  of  Spain  were  not  acknowledged, 
and  that  the  acquisition  of  the  territory  in 
volved  was  finally  completed  after  Monroe  be 
came  president. 

Near  the  end  of  the  year  1784  Monroe  was 
selected  as  one  of  nine  judges  to  decide  the 
boundary  dispute  in  which  Massachusetts  and 
New  York  were  involved,  and  after  some  delib 
eration  he  accepted  the  position  ;  but  the  case 
being  postponed,  he  resigned  and  another  com 
missioner  was  chosen.  The  court,  it  is  said, 
never  met ;  but  Monroe's  relation  to  the  mat 
ter  has  been  the  subject  of  comment.  Mr. 
Adams  gives  this  statement  in  respect  to  it :  — 
that  Monroe  had  been  conspicuous  above  all 
others  in  proceedings  which  concerned  the  navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  had  taken  the  lead 
in  opposition  to  Jay,  who  proposed  a  compro 
mise  with  Spain  ;  and  that  it  was  in  the  heat 
of  temper  kindled  by  this  discord  that  Monroe 
resigned  his  commission.1 

1  J.  Q.  Adams,  Eulogy,  pp.  225-232. 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     27 

In  the  Virginia  convention  of  1788,  the 
party  favoring  the  United  States  Constitution 
was  led  by  Madison,  Marshall,  and  Edmund 
Randolph.  The  leader  of  the  opposition  was 
Patrick  Henry,  and  James  Monroe  stood  by  his 
side  in  company  with  W.  Grayson  and  G.  Ma 
son.  Two  of  his  speeches  as  reported  in  the 
Debates  are  worthy  of  mention  here.1  In  the 
first  of  them,  delivered  June  10,  he  made  an 
elaborate  historical  argument  in  which  the 
experience  of  the  Amphictyonic  council,  the 
Achasan  league,  the  Germanic  system,  the  Swiss 
cantons,  and  the  New  England  confederacy  were 
successively  referred  to,  —  a  theme  which  seems 
to  have  been  the  germ  of  a  posthumous  publica 
tion,  to  which  reference  will  hereafter  be  made. 
He  assumes  the  value  of  the  Union,  to  which 
44  the  people  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia, 
Rhode  Island  excepted,  have  uniformly  shown 
attachment."  Examining  the  proposed  Consti 
tution,  he  claims  that  there  are  no  adequate 
checks  upon  the  exercise  of  power ;  he  foresees 
conflict  between  the  national  and  state  author 
ities.  As  for  the  President,  he  foresees  that 
44  whence  he  is  once  elected  he  may  be  elected 
forever." 

In  closing  the  speech  he  says  that  he  regards 

1  Debates  of  the   Convention  of  Virginia,  1788,  reported  by- 
David  Robertson,  p.  154. 


28  JAMES  MONROE. 

the  proposed  government  as  dangerous,  and 
calculated  to  secure  neither  the  interests  nor 
the  rights  of  our  countrymen.  "  Under  such 
an  one  I  shall  be  averse  to  embark  the  best 
hopes  of  a  free  people.  We  have  struggled 
long  to  bring  about  this  revolution  by  which  we 
enjoy  our  present  freedom  and  security.  Why 
then  this  haste,  this  wild  precipitation  ?  " 

At  a  later  stage  Monroe  explained  the  Con 
gressional  disputes  about  the  Mississippi,  the 
purport  of  which  was  to  show  that  the  western 
country  would  be  less  secure  under  the  Consti 
tution  than  it  was  under  the  Confederation. 
He  finally  assented  to  a  ratification  of  the  Con 
stitution  by  Virginia  upon  the  condition  that 
her  amendments  should  be  accepted.  Many 
years  later  he  thus,  in  a  letter  to  Andrew  Jack 
son,  gave  his  recollections  of  the  monarchical 
tendencies  which  were  shown  by  his  contempo 
raries  before  and  after  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution.  He  writes  as  follows  :  — 

December,  1816.  "We  have  heretofore  been  di 
vided  into  two  great  parties.  That  some  of  the  lead 
ers  of  the  Federal  party  entertained  principles  un 
friendly  to  our  system  of  government,  I  have  been 
thoroughly  convinced ;  and  that  they  meant  to  work 
a  change  in  it  by  taking  advantage  of  favorable  cir 
cumstances,  I  am  equally  satisfied.  It  happened  that 
I  was  a  member  of  Congress  under  the  confedera- 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     29 

tion,  just  before  the  change  made  by  the  adoption  of 
the  present  Constitution,  and  afterwards  of  the  Sen 
ate,  beginning  shortly  after  its  adoption.  In  the 
former  I  served  three  years,  and  in  the  latter  rather 
a  longer  term.  In  these  stations  I  saw  indications 
of  the  kind  suggested.  It  was  an  epoch  at  which 
the  views  of  men  were  most  Hkely  to  unfold  them 
selves,  as,  if  anything  favorable  to  a  higher  toned 
government  was  to  be  obtained,  that  was  the  time. 
The  movement  in  France  tended,  also,  then,  to  test 
the  opinions  and  principles  of  men,  which  was  dis 
closed  in  a  manner  to  leave  no  doubt  on  my  mind  of 
what  I  have  suggested.  No  daring  attempt  was  ever 
made,  because  there  was  no  opportunity  for  it.  I 
thought  that  Washington  was  opposed  to  their 
schemes,  and  not  being  able  to  take  him  with  them, 
that  the}'  were  forced  to  work,  in  regard  to  him,  un 
der-handed,  using  his  name  and  standing  with  the 
nation,  as  far  as  circumstances  permitted,  to  serve 
their  purposes.  The  opposition,  which  was  carried 
on  with  great  firmness,  checked  the  career  of  this 
party,  and  kept  it  within  moderate  limits.  Many  of 
the  circumstances  on  which  my  opinion  is  founded 
took  place  in  debate  and  in  society,  and  therefore 
find  no  place  in  any  public  document.  I  am  satisfied, 
however,  that  sufficient  proof  exists,  founded  on  facts 
and  opinions  of  distinguished  individuals,  which  be 
came  public,  to  justify  that  which  I  had  formed.  .  .  . 
"  My  candid  opinion  is  that  the  dangerous  purposes 
I  have  adverted  to  were  never  adopted,  if  they  were 
known,  especially  in  their  full  extent,  by  any  large 


30  JAMES  MONROE. 

portion  of  the  Federal  party,  but  were  confined  to 
certain  leaders,  and  they  principally  to  the  eastward. 
The  manly  and  patriotic  conduct  of  a  great  propor 
tion  of  that  party  in  the  other  States,  I  might,  per 
haps,  say  all  who  had  an  opportunity  of  displaying  it, 
is  a  convincing  proof  of  this  fact." 

Jefferson,  referring  to  the  same  period,  spoke 
as  follows  in  the  introduction  to  his  "  Ana : " 
"  The  contests  of  that  day  were  contests  of 
principle  between  the  advocates  of  republican 
and  those  of  kingly  government.'' 

Notwithstanding  Monroe's  opposition  to  the 
adoption  of  the  new  Constitution  he  was  among 
the  earliest  to  take  office  under  it.  The  first 
choice  of  Virginia  for  senators  fell  on  Richard 
Henry  Lee  and  William  Grayson.  The  latter 
died  soon  after  his  appointment,  and  Monroe 
was  selected  by  the  Legislature  to  fill  the  va 
cant  place,  instead  of  John  Walker,  who  had 
been  chosen  by  the  Executive  of  the  State. 
He  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  December  6, 
1790,  and  held  the  position  until  May,  1794. 
It  does  not  appear  that  he  was  conspicuous  as 
a  debater ;  but  he  made  himself  felt  in  other 
ways,  and  was  regarded  as  among  the  most  de 
cided  opponents  of  Washington's  administra 
tion.  He  was  particularly  hostile  to  Hamilton, 
and  on  one  occasion,  when  the  latter  was  talked 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     31 

about  as  likely  to  be  sent  to  England,  trans 
gressed  the  limits  of  senatorial  courtesy  by  ad 
dressing  a  letter  to  the  President  with  intima 
tions  of  what  he  could  say  if  an  opportunity 
were  afforded  him.  He  was  opposed  to  the 
measures  which  were  carried  for  establishing 
on  a  sound  basis  the  national  finances.  He  pro 
posed  a  suspension  of  the  fourth  article  of  the 
definitive  treaty  with  Great  Britain  until  that 
power  complied  with  her  stipulations.  He 
strongly  objected  to  the  selection  of  Morris 
and  Jay  as  ministers  respectively  to  France 
and  England.  Indeed,  during  all  this  period 
he  appears  in  the  part  of  one  who  doubted  the 
wisdom  of  the  dominant  views  in  respect  to 
the  new  order  of  government,  and  who  did  not 
hesitate  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  those 
who  were  endeavoring  to  give  dignity  and  force 
to  the  new  United  States.  He  was  therefore 
surprised,  and  so  were  many  others,  that  he 
was  selected  while  still  a  senator  to  be  the 
successor  of  Gouverneur  Morris  as  minister  to 
France.  He  had  objected  to  Jay's  appointment 
partly  on  the  ground  that  such  an  office  should 
not  be  given  to  one  of  the  federal  judiciary,  and 
the  wiseacres  were  not  slow  to  taunt  him  for 
accepting,  in  place  of  his  senatorial  rank,  the 
dignity  of  a  diplomatic  station.  The  rest  of  this 
story  will  be  told  in  the  following  chapter. 


32  JAMES  MONROE. 

Although  it  is  not  next  in  oyder,  it  is  con 
venient  to  place  here  the  little  which  is  to  be 
said  of  the  executive  station  to  which  Mon 
roe,  on  his  return  from  diplomatic  services,  was 
twice  called  in  his  native  State.  He  was  first 
chosen  governor  of  Virginia  in  1799  (after  his 
recall  from  France),  and  served  for  a  period  of 
three  years.  He  was  again  chosen  in  1811, 
held  the  office  for  part  of  a  year,  and  gave  it 
up  in  order  to  enter  the  cabinet  of  Madison. 
His  first  election  was  opposed  by  John  Breck- 
enridge,  who  received  66  votes,  while  Monroe 
received  101.  The  Richmond  "  Federalist  "  of 
December  7  declared  the  day  before  to  be  "  a 
day  of  mourning."  Virginia's  "  misfortunes 
may  be  comprised  in  one  short  sentence,  Mon 
roe  is  elected  governor  !  " 

During  his  first  administration  a  conspiracy 
among  the  slaves  was  brought  to  light,  and  was 
suppressed  by  his  power  as  governor.  The  in 
cident  has  recently  been  called  to  mind  by  a 
widely  read  novel  in  which  there  is  a  graphic 
picture  of  a  servile  insurrection  and  its  timely 
discovery.1  Howison's  story  is  as  follows.2  Not 
far  from  Richmond  dwelt  Thomas  Prosser,  who 
owned  a  number  of  slaves,  among  them  one 
who  became  known  as  "  General  Gabriel,"  a 

l  Homoselle,  by  Mrs.  Tiernan. 

a  Howison,  History  of  Virginia,  p.  390. 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     33 

man  "  distinguished  for  his  intelligence  and  his 
influence  with  his  class."  Near  by  lived  another 
slave  called  "  Jack  Bowler."  By  their  agency 
nearly  a  thousand  slaves,  it  was  supposed,  were 
secretly  enlisted  in  a  plot  to  attack  Richmond 
by  night  and  there  begin  a  war  of  extermina 
tion  against  the  whites.  Just  before  the  pro 
posed  assault  a  slave  named  "  Pharaoh  "  es 
caped  from  the  conspirators  during  a  storm  and 
revealed  the  project  to  the  people  of  Richmond. 
The  tidings  were  carried  to  Governor  Monroe, 
the  alarm  was  given,  the  militia  called  out,  and 
preparations  were  made  to  meet  the  assailants. 
The  streams  were  so  swollen  by  the  fall  of  rain 
that  the  movements  of  the  insurgents  were  de 
layed,  and  they  soon  perceived  that  their  secret 
had  been  discovered.  The  ringleaders  were  sub 
sequently  found  and  punished ;  and  so  many 
others,  that  a  reaction  took  place  in  public  feel 
ing,  and  a  merciful  arrest  of  justice  occurred 
before  all  the  guilty  had  been  reached. 

For  several  years,  after  1806,  John  Randolph 
was  a  frequent  correspondent  of  Monroe.  He 
urges  him  to  come  back  from  England ;  he 
guards  him  against  compromitment  to  men  in 
whom  he  cannot  wholly  confide ;  he  gives  him, 
a  dark  hint  of  "  the  stage  effect "  he  will  be 
made  to  produce ;  he  flatters  him  with  expecta- 

3 


34  JAMES  MONROE. 

tions  of  the  next  nomination  to  the  presidency ; 
he  disparages  Madison  ;  he  says  that  Monroe 
will  hardly  know  the  country  when  he  arrives  ; 
"  intrigue  has  arrived  at  a  pitch  which  I  hardly 
supposed  it  would  have  reached  in  five  cent 
uries  ;  "  "  life  has  afforded  me  few  enjoyments 
which  I  value  in  comparison  with  your  friend 
ship."  These  flattering  words,  tempered  with 
insinuations  against  Madison,  were  addressed  to 
Monroe  in  the  belief  and  wish  that  he  could 
be  brought  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  presi 
dency  at  the  close  of  Jefferson's  term.  Ran 
dolph's  purpose  failed,  Madison  became  presi 
dent  and  Monroe  governor  (after  brief  service 
in  the  Assembly).  A  little  later  Randolph 
quarrelled  with  Monroe,  because,  as  he  thought, 
the  latter  was  inclined  to  repudiate  the  views 
he  had  held  on  his  return  from  England.  He 
charged  him  with  tergiversation  in  order  to  be 
come  chief  magistrate  of  the  Commonwealth. 
The  climax  of  their  disagreement  was  reached 
when  Monroe  was  called  to  the  cabinet  of 
Madison. 

Many  years  later  (in  1814)  Randolph,  still 
quarrelsome,  attacked  Monroe's  conscription 
project  by  pointing  out  the  course  of  the  latter 
in  respect  to  Federal  usurpation  when  he  was 
governor,  charging  upon  him  the  fact  that  the 


LEGISLATOR  AND  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.     35 

grand  armory  at  Richmond  was  built  to  enable 
Virginia  to  resist  encroachment  upon  her  indis 
putable  rights.1 

1  For  all  this  story  in  detail,  and  many  original  letters,  see 
the  life  of  John  Randolph  by  Henry  Adams. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ENVOY  IN  FBANCE. 

MONROE'S  career  as  a  diplomatist  exhibits 
first  the  misfortune  and  then  the  good  fortune 
which  may  attend  ministerial  action  in  a  foreign 
land,  when  long  periods  must  elapse  before  let 
ters  can  be  interchanged  with  the  government 
at  home.  In  critical  junctures  responsibility 
must  be  assumed  by  the  representative  of  a  na 
tion,  who  runs  the  risk  that  his  words  and 
actions,  however  wise  and  necessary  they  ap 
pear  to  him,  will  not  be  approved  by  those 
who  sent  him  abroad.  In  quiet  days  a  foreign 
embassy  is  an  enviable  position,  but  Monroe 
was  neither  the  first  envoy  nor  the  last  who  has 
found  in  troublesome  times  that  it  is  difficult  to 
act  with  a  near-sighted  view  of  the  field  so  as 
to  keep  the  support  of  those  who  are  far-sighted. 
His  first  mission  to  France  began  brilliantly 
and  ended  with  an  irritation  of  his  spirit  which 
he  carried  with  him,  like  the  bullet  received 
at  Trenton,  to  the  very  end  of  his  life ;  his  sec 
ond  mission  to  France,  undertaken  with  some 
distrust,  led  to  a  fortunate  negotiation  which 
brightened  all  his  subsequent  days. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE  37 

While  a  senator  in  Congress,  Monroe  was  se 
lected,  as  we  have  seen,  to  represent  the  United 
States  in  Paris,  after  it  became  necessary  for 
Gouverneur  Morris  to  give  way.  Washington's 
first  choice  for  the  position  was  Thomas  Pinck- 
ney,  whom  he  would  have  transferred  from 
England  to  France  if  Jay  had  consented  to  re 
main  the  minister  in  England.  As  this  project 
was  not  successful,  the  appointment  was  offered 
to  Robert  R.  Livingston,  who  did  not  accept 
it.  A  few  weeks  later  (May  28,  1794)  Monroe 
was  commissioned.  He  was  far  from  agreeing 
with  the  administration, —  as  was  perfectly  well 
known  ;  but  he  held  such  opinions  in  respect 
to  the  French  that  a  favorable  reception  for 
him  might  reasonably  be  expected.  Washing 
ton's  position  was  one  of  much  responsibility. 
There  was  great  danger  that  the  United  States, 
scarcely  beginning  to  recover  from  the  revolu 
tionary  struggle,  and  with  the  experiment  of 
the  Constitution  not  yet  five  years  old,  would 
be  involved  in  war  with  France  or  England  in 
consequence  of  their  unjustifiable  reprisals  and 
their  attitude  in  respect  to  the  commerce  of  neu 
trals.  It  was  most  important  for  the  safety  of 
the  Union  as  well  as  for  the  prosperity  of  the 
people  that  war  should  be  averted,  and  much 
appeared  to  depend  upon  the  envoys.  So  Jay 
was  sent  to  England  and  Monroe  to  France. 


38  JAMES  MONROE. 

Looking  back  on  these  appointments,  nearly 
forty  years  afterwards,  John  Quincy  Adams 
declared  them  to  be  among  the  most  memo 
rable  events  in  the  history  of  this  Union.  To 
understand  this  in  our  day,  we  must  remember 
the  bitter  relations,  "  tinged  with  infusions  of 
the  wormwood  and  the  gall,"  which  then  di 
vided  France  and  England ;  and  the  partisan 
feelings  which  already  separated  Republicans 
from  Federalists. 

The  state  of  feeling  in  Congress  prior  to 
Monroe's  mission  is  familiar  enough  to  all  his 
torical  readers ;  but  I  have  before  me  a  long 
file  of  letters  which  have  never  been  made  pub 
lic,  exhibiting  in  the  intimacy  of  fraternal  corre 
spondence  the  current  of  opinion  in  Congress ; 
—  and  I  make  from  them  the  following  ex 
tracts  to  give  a  fresh  and  original  record  of  a 
tale  which  has  often  been  told : l  — 

January,  1794.  —  I  think  we  are  in  no  danger  of 
being  drawn  into  the  European  war  unless  the 
French  should  be  mad  enough  to  declare  war  against 
everybody  that  will  not  fraternize  with  them. 

January,  1794.  —  It  may,  I  believe,  fairly  be  pre 
sumed  that  we  shall  not  get  into  a  wrangle  with  tho 
French  nation. 

1  These  extracts  are  from  letters  by  Joshua  Coit  of  New 
London,  Conn.,  a  representative  iii  Congress,  to  his  brother, 
Daniel  L.  Coit. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  39 

January  25,  1794.  —  We  have  announced  to  us  in 
a  letter  from  the  President  this  day,  that  he  has 
from  the  French  Court  assurances  that  M.  Genet's 
conduct  here  has  met  with  unequivocal  disapproba 
tion,  and  that  his  recall  will  be  expected  as  soon  as 
possible.  I  give  it  you  nearly  in  the  words  of  his 
letter.  Why  he  has  not  before  made  the  communi 
cation  as  it  arrived  by  the  Dispatch  (a  sloop  of  about 
thirty  tons)  last  week ;  whether  he  has  letters  from 
the  French  ministry  or  only  from  Mr.  Morris,  —  I 
am  without  information. 

January  31,  1794.  —  A  strange  portion  \_sic~\  of 
French  frenzy  is  working  in  this  country.  We  see 
much  of  it  in  Congress,  principally  among  the  South 
ern  members.  It  enters,  as  you  will  see,  into  the 
debates  on  Mr.  Madison's  propositions.  I  have  men 
tioned  it  to  you,  I  believe,  in  a  former  letter.  One 
would  have  expected  from  these  owners  of  slaves 
and  men  of  large  fortunes  a  different  complexion  ; 
but  our  rankest  democratical  principle  is  all  from 
the  South,  and  they  consider  us  New  England  men 
as  aristocrats.  I  feel  more  apprehension  of  the  gen 
eral  government  being  too  weak  than  that  it  will 
gather  a  strength  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  I  would  hope,  however,  that  no  more  of 
party  is  mixed  in  our  composition  than  may  be  whole 
some.  Mr.  M.'s  resolutions  have  now  been  under 
discussion  for  about  a  fortnight.  Gentlemen  take  an 
amazing  latitude  in  their  discussions,  and  from  the 
debates  one  would  be  led  to  suppose  we  were  forming 
commercial  treaties  that  were  to  embrace  all  the  in- 


40  JAMES  MONROE. 

terests  of  the  United  States.  The  first  resolution  is 
a  mighty  vague,  general  thing,  and  will  apply  to  any 
alteration  of  our  revenue  system  almost;  perhaps 
this  may  be  carried,  but  I  think  the  others  or  any 
thing  like  them  cannot ;  they  have  engrossed  all  the 
time  of  Congress  for  this  fortnight  past. 
••''  February  15,  1794. —The  fact  is,  I  think,  every 
day  more  and  more  evinced,  that  some  of  our  South 
ern  gentlemen,  Virginians  especially,  have  a  most  un 
conquerable  aversion  for  the  British  nation,  and 
partiality  for  France.  The  debts  due  from  that 
country  to  G.  B.  may  have  their  effect  in  fomenting 
and  keeping  up  their  animosity,  and  they  seem  to 
wish  to  fix  some  immovable  obstructions  to  a  friend 
ly  intercourse  between  the  two  countries,  and  there 
is  but  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  the  measures 
they  pursue  are  in  good  degree  influenced  by  their 
dissatisfaction  at  some  steps  that  have  been  taken 
since  the  establishment  of  the  present  government,  — 
the  funding  system  and  bank  especially.  They  pro 
fess  peace  —  that  energetic  measures  are  those  only 
by  which  it  can  be  preserved.  Britain  is  to  be  so 
afflicted  with  our  non-importation  agreement  that,  to 
persuade  us  to  give  it  up,  she  is  to  do  everything  which 
we  may  demand  of  her ;  and  if,  on  the  contrary,  she 
is  disposed  to  fight  she  is  exhausted  and  weakened 
by  the  war  in  which  she  is  now  engaged,  and  with 
the  help  of  France  we  shall  give  her  the  worst  of  it. 
I  still  hope  peace ;  but  if  this  measure  is  carried 
through,  I  shall  then  despair. 

March  7,  1794.  —  The  measures  you  mention  are 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  41 

regarded  as  very  extraordinary ;  equally  so  is  that  of 
the  French  detaining  our  ships  in  their  ports.  'T  is 
perhaps  fortunate  for  us  that  we  are  ill-treated  by 
both  the  belligerent  powers;  experiencing  no  favor 
from  either,  we  shall  be  less  an  object  of  jealousy 
from  either,  and  probably  less  in  danger  of  rushing 
into  the  war  than  if  we  were  ill-treated  by  one  only. 
I  believe  we  had  better  suffer  almost  anything  than 
get  into  the  war.  Time  and  patience  will,  I  hope, 
cure  all. 

March  13,  1794.  —  It  seems  to  me  the  British 
nation  must  contemplate  some  inconvenience  in  the 
loss  of  our  trade  in  case  of  a  rupture,  and  that  the 
fair  and  honorable  neutrality  we  have  preferred 
should  command  their  respect.  But  they  apprehend 
we  feel  a  partiality  for  the  French,  and  nations  at 
war  very  readily  regard  as  enemies  those  who  are  not 
their  friends,  and  they  very  naturally  contemplate 
the  going  to  war  with  another  nation  with  much  less 
reluctance  than  changing  from  peace  to  war.  No 
measures  will  be  taken  hastily  on  the  subject  by  us, 
I  believe.  The  infancy  of  our  government  and  our 
revenue  depending  almost  altogether  on  foreign 
commerce,  which  would  by  a  war  be  greatly  de 
ranged  if  not  cut  off,  make  the  evils  to  be  appre 
hended  by  us  in  this  event  peculiarly  serious.  But 
if  they  will  fight  with  us  we  must  do  the  best  we  can. 

March  24,  1794. — The  minds  of  people  are  so 
much  agitated,  and  resentments  are  so  warm,  that 
there  is  reason  to  fear  that  we  shall  be  hurried  into 
the  torrent  that  is  ravaging  Europe. 


42  JAMES  MONROE. 

March  25,  1794.  —  If  the  embargo  gets  through 
I  shall  be  almost  inclined  to  think  the  Rubicon  is 
passed  and  that  war  is  inevitable.  Not  so  much  that 
the  British  will  regard  it  as  a  hostile  measure,  but 
that  it  will  tend  to  sharpen  the  minds  of  people,  and 
precipitate  us,  from  the  heat  of  our  passions,  into  tho 
war. 

March  27,  1794.  —  If  we  must  enter  into  a  war  I 
should  feel  very  unhappy  to  enter  it  under  the  au 
spices  of  an  act  which  would  appear  to  me  a  compli 
cation  of  villainy  and  bad  policy. 

March  28,  1794.  —  We  have  a  mad  proposition 
before  the  House,  brought  in  yesterday,  for  seques 
tering  British  debts  to  form  a  fund  for  compensation 
to  the  sufferers  by  British  spoliations.  I  feared  it 
would  pass,  but  the  fever  of  the  mind  seems  to  be 
cooling  a  little,  and  I  begin  to  hope  for  better  things. 

April  8,  1794.  —  I  am  still  persuaded  that  the 
threatening  appearances  will  blow  over  and  leave  us 
at  peace,  in  spite  of  the  unaccountable  proceedings 
of  the  British  in  the  West  Indies.  I  do  not  believe 
they  mean  to  go  to  war  with  us. 

April  13,  1794. —  A  minister  to  the  Court  of 
London  is  still  talked  of,  but  this  is  not  determined 
on,  and  these  people  appear  to  be  very  anxious  to 
have  something  done  which,  as  they  say,  shall  give 
weight  to  negotiation,  but  their  views  and  professions 
are  apprehended  to  be  widely  different,  and  that  in 
stead  of  wishing  to  give  effect,  they  would  prefer 
doing  something  that  should  impede  the  negotia 
tion.  The  President,  with  whom  alone  lies  the 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  43 

power,  is  very  cautious ;  perhaps  fortunately  so  for 
the  country,  as  well  as  for  his  own  reputation,  but 
unluckily,  (as  it  is  more  with  the  Legislature  to  lay 
the  grounds  by  which  negotiation  might  be  facilitated 
or  impeded,  and  to  determine  the  popularity  of  the 
measure,)  I  suspect  he  hesitates  and  waits  to  see 
how  the  discussion  in  our  House  will  issue.  Had  he 
already  sent  a  negotiator  it  would  have  furnished  an 
argument  for  our  leaving  things  as  they  were  when 
the  negotiator  left  the  country. 

April  16,  1794.  —  Mr.  Jay  is  nominated.  There 
is  not  perhaps  a  man  in  the  United  States  whose 
character  as  a  negotiator  stands  on  higher  ground. 
The  appointment  marks  a  disposition  in  the  Presi 
dent  to  come  forward  before  mischief  is  done,  and 
to  try  the  ground  of  negotiation  fairly  with  G.  Brit 
ain  before  any  obstruction  is  thrown  in  the  way  by 
our  confiscating  British  debts,  or  passing  a  non-im 
portation  act. 

April  19,  1794. —  The  embargo  is  again  on,  to 
last  till  the  25th  of  May  in  the  same  way  as  be 
fore  ;  passed  House  of  Representatives  day  before 
yesterday,  and  in  Senate  yesterday.  I  had  not  ex 
pected  it. 

April  22,  1794.  —  It  is  a  doubt  with  many  whether 
our  present  form  of  government  continue  many  years. 
The  jealousies  which  exist  in  the  Southern  States  re 
specting  the  funding  system  and  most  of  the  meas 
ures  of  consequence  which  have  been  adopted,  added 
to  some  strange  and  fantastical  notions  about  liberty 
which  they  entertain,  approaching  nearly  to  French 


44  JAMES  MONKOE. 

extravagance  of  liberty  and  equality  absolute,  render 
the  continuance  of  our  Union  for  many  years,  even 
of  peace,  doubtful.  But  should  a  war  take  place  I 
think  we  have  scarcely  ground  to  hope  a  continu 
ance  of  the  Union. 

April  24,  1794.  —  We  have  perhaps  as  much  to 
fear  from  the  fever  of  French  politics  taking  too 
strong  a  hold  of  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this 
country  as  from  any  other  source. 

There  is  an  interruption  in  the  file  of  letters 
from  which  these  extracts  are  taken,  and  I  find 
in  them  no  mention  of  the  envoy  to  France. 

Monroe's  instructions,  as  given  to  him  by 
Randolph,  were  very  minute,  and  contained  the 
following  pregnant  sentences  as  the  conclusion : 

"  To  conclude.  You  go,  sir,  to  France,  to 
strengthen  our  friendship  with  that  country  ;  and 
you  are  well  acquainted  with  the  line  of  freedom 
and  ease  to  which  you  may  advance  without  betray 
ing  the  dignity  of  the  United  States.  You  will  show 
our  confidence  in  the  French  Republic  without  be 
traying  the  most  remote  mark  of  undue  complaisance. 
You  will  let  it  be  seen  that,  in  case  of  war  with  any 
nation  on  earth,  we  shall  consider  France  as  our  first 
and  natural  ally.  You  may  d.well  upon  the  sense 
which  we  entertain  of  past  services,  and  for  the  more 
recent  interposition  in  our  behalf  with  the  Dey  of 
Algiers.  Among  the  great  events  with  which  the 
world  is  now  teeming,  there  may  be  an  opening  for 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  45 

France  to  become  instrumental  in  securing  to  us  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  Spain  may,  per 
haps,  negotiate  a  peace,  separate  from  Great  Britain, 
with  France.  If  she  does,  the  Mississippi  may  be 
acquired  through  this  channel,  especially  if  you  con 
trive  to  have  our  mediation  in  any  manner  solicited." 

Monroe  arrived  in  Paris  just  after  the  fall  of 
Robespierre.  Notwithstanding  his  out-spoken 
good-will  for  the  popular  cause,  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  hesitated  to  receive  him.  His 
proceedings  in  consequence  were  full  of  ro 
mance.  Not  another  civilized  nation  upon 
earth,  says  Mr.  Adams,  had  a  recognized  repre 
sentative  in  France  at  that  time.  "  I  waited," 
says  Monroe,  "  eight  or  ten  days  without  pro 
gressing  an  iota,  and  as  I  had  heard  that  a  min 
ister  from  Geneva  had  been  here  about  six 
weeks  before  me,  and  had  not  been  received,  I 
was  fearful  I  might  remain  as  long  and,  per 
haps,  much  longer  in  the  same  situation."  He 
therefore  addressed  a  letter  to  the  President  of 
the  Convention,  "  not  knowing  the  competent 
department  nor  the  forms  established  by  law 
for  my  reception."  A  decree  was  passed  at 
once  that  the  minister  of  the  United  States 
"  be  introduced  into  the  bosom  of  the  Conven 
tion  to-morrow  at  two  P.  M."  Accordingly  he 
appeared  before  the  Convention,  August  15, 
1794,  and  presented  an  address  in  English, 


46  JAMES  MONROE. 

with  a  translation  of  it  into  French,  which  lat 
ter  was  read  by  a  secretary,  together  with  two 
letters  from  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of 
State,  acknowledging  the  letter  to  Congress 
from  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety. 
Monroe's  address  was  as  follows  :  — 

"  Citizens,  President,  and  Representatives  of  the 
French  People,  —  My  admission  into  this  assembly, 
in  presence  of  the  French  nation  (for  all  the  citizens 
of  France  are  represented  here)  to  be  recognized 
as  the  representative  of  the  American  Republic,  im 
presses  me  with  a  degree  of  sensibility  which  I  can 
not  express.  I  consider  it  a  new  proof  of  that  friend 
ship  and  regard  which  the  French  nation  has  always 
shown  to  their  ally,  the  United  States  of  America. 

"Republics  should  approach  near  to  each  other. 
In  many  respects  they  have  all  the  same  interest; 
but  this  is  more  especially  the  case  with  the  Amer 
ican  and  French  republics.  .Their  governments  are 
similar ;  they  both  cherish  the  same  principles,  and 
rest  on  the  same  basis,  the  equal  and  unalienable 
rights  of  man.  The  recollection,  too,  of  common  dan 
gers  and  difficulties  will  increase  their  harmony  and 
cement  their  union.  America  had  her  day  of  oppres 
sion,  difficulty,  and  war ;  but  her  sons  were  virtuous 
and  brave,  and  the  storm  which  long  clouded  her  po 
litical  horizon  has  passed,  and  left  them  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  peace,  liberty,  and  independence.  France, 
our  ally  and  our  friend,  and  who  aided  in  the  contest, 
has  now  embarked  in  the  same  noble  career ;  and  I 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  47 

am  happy  to  add,  that  whilst  the  fortitude,  magnan 
imity,  and  heroic  valor  of  her  troops  command  the 
admiration  and  applause  of  the  astonished  world,  the 
wisdom  and  firmness  of  her  councils  unite  equally  in 
securing  the  happiest  result. 

\  "  America  is  not  an  unfeeling  spectator  of  your 
affairs  at  the  present  crisisT]  I  lay  before  you,  in  the 
declarations  of  every  department  of  our  government, 
—  declarations  which  are  founded  in  the  affections 
of  the  citizens  at  large,  —  the  most  decided  proof  of 
her  sincere  attachment  to  the  liberty,  prosperity,  and 
happiness  of  the  French  Republic.  Each  branch  of 
the  Congress,  according  to  the  course  of  proceeding 
there,  has  requested  the  President  to  make  this  known 
to  you  in  its  behalf ;  and,  in  fulfilling  the  desires  of 
those  branches,  I  am  instructed  to  declare  to  you  that 
he  has  expressed  his  own. 

|^"  In  discharging  the  duties  of  the  office  which  I 
am  now  called  to  execute,  I  promise  myself  the  high 
est  satisfaction,  because  I  well  know  that,  whilst  I 
pursue  the  dictates  of  my  own  heart  in  wishing  the 
liberty  and  happiness  of  the  French  nation,  and  which 
I  most  sincerely  do,  I  speak  the  sentiments  of  my 
own  country  ;  and  that,  by  doing  everything  in  my 
power  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  harmony  so 
happily  subsisting  between  the  two  republics,  I  shall 
promote  the  interest  of  both.  To  this  great  object, 
therefore,  all  my  efforts  will  be  directed.  If  I  can 
be  so  fortunate  as  to  succeed  in  such  manner  as  to 
merit  the  approbation  of  both  republics,  I  shall 
deem  it  the  happiest  event  of  my  life,  and  retire 


48  JAMES  MONROE. 

hereafter  with  a  consolation  which  those  who  mean 
well,  and  have  served  the  cause  of  liberty,  alone  can 
feel." 

A  comparison  of  this  speech  with  Randolph's 
injunctions,  already  quoted,  will  show  how  far 
Monroe  was  carried  by  the  enthusiasm  of  his 
youth  and  the  unparalleled  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed.  That  speech  of  ten 
minutes,  received  with  applause  and  translated 
into  both  languages,  "  the  American  and  the 
French,"  was  the  occasion  of  many  a  pang  in 
his  after  life. 

The  account  of  Monroe's  reception  may  read 
ily  be  found  in  the  American  State  Papers,1 
but  a  document,  hitherto  hidden,  was  lately 
brought  to  light  by  Mr.  Washburne,  the  Amer 
ican  minister,  who  looked  up,  in  the  national 
archives  of  France2  the  proces  verbal  on  the 
day  referred  to,  August  15,  1794.  Here  is  the 
interesting  extract  which  he  sent  to  Mr.  Fish 
"  to  fill  the  gap  "  in  the  diplomatic  records  of 
that  period.2 

Extract  from  the  "proces  verbal"  of  the  National  Con 
vention  of  August  15,  1794. —  Translation. 
The  Citizen  James  Monroe,  minister  plenipoten 
tiary   of    the   United   States  of   America   near  the 

1  Vol.  i.  p.  672. 

2  Foreign  Relations  of  the  U.  S.  1876.    Mr.  Washburne  to 
Mr.  Fish,  Paris,  October  23,  1876. 


French  Republic,  is  admitted  in 
ting  of  the  National  Convention.  He  takes  his  place 
in  the  midst  of  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
and  remits  to  the  President  with  his  letters  of  cre 
dence,  a  translation  of  a  discourse  addressed  to  the 
National  Convention  ;  it  is  read  by  one  of  the  secre 
taries.  The  expressions  of  fraternity,  of  union  be 
tween  the  two  people,  and  the  interest  which  the 
people  of  the  United  States  take  in  the  success  of  the 
French  Republic,  are  heard  with  the  liveliest  sensi 
bility  and  covered  with  applause. 

Reading  is  also  given  to  the  letters  of  credence  of 
Citizen  Monroe,  as  well  as  to  those  written  by  the 
American  Congress  and  by  its  President,  to  the 
National  Convention  and  to  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety. 

In  witness  of  the  fraternity  which  unites  the  two 
peoples,  French  and  American,  the  President l  gives 
the  accolade  (fraternal  embrace)  to  Citizen  Monroe. 

Afterward,  upon  the  proposition  of  many  members, 
the  National  Convention  passes  with  unanimity  the 
following  decree :  — 

ARTICLE  I.  The  reading  and  verification  being  had 
of  the  powers  of  Citizen  James  Monroe,  he  is  recognized 
and  proclaimed  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America  near  the  French  Republic. 

ARTICLE  II.  The  letters  of  credence  of  Citizen 
James  Monroe,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  those  which  he  has  remitted  on  the 
part  of  the  American  Congress  and  its  President,  ad- 

1  Merlin  de  Douai. 
4 


50  JAMES  MONROE 

dressed  to  the  National  Convention  and  to  the  Commit 
tee  of  Public  Safety,  the  discourse  of  Citizen  Monroe, 
the  response  of  the  President  of  the  Convention,  shall 
be  printed  in  the  two  languages,  French  and  American, 
and  inserted  in  the  bulletin  of  correspondence. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  flags  of  the  United  States  of 
America  shall  be  joined  to  those  of  France,  and  dis 
played  in  the  hall  of  the  sittings  of  the  Convention,  in 
sign  of  the  union  and  eternal  fraternity  of  the  two  people. 

Mr.  Washburne  calls  attention  to  the  phrase, 
"the  two  languages,  French  and  American," 
as  illustrating  the  hatred  of  the  English  ;  and 
he  gives  to  Secretary  Fish  the  following  amus 
ing  interpretation  of  the  accolade,  based  upon 
Ms  own  experience  in  the  new  republic. 

"  For  many  days,"  he  says,  "  after  I  had,  by  your  in 
structions,  recognized  the  republic,  which  was  pro 
claimed  on  the  4th  of  September,  1870,  regiment 
after  regiment  of  the  national  guard  marched  to  the 
legation  to  make  known  to  our  government,  through 
me,  their  profound  appreciation  of  its  prompt  action 
in  recognizing  the  government  of  the  national  de 
fence.  Forming  on  the  corner  of  the  rue  de  Chaillot 
and  the  avenue  Josephine,  they  would  send  up  cheers 
and  cries  of  "  Vive  la  Republique,"  till  I  would  ap 
pear  on  the  balcony  to  make  my  acknowledgments. 
Then  some  officers  of  the  regiment  would  be  deputed 
to  call  upon  me  in  the  chambers  of  the  legation,  to 
.tender  me  their  personal  thanks  for  my  agency  in  the 
matter  of  recognition  of  their  new  government,  and 
to  give  me  the  fraternal  embrace  ("  accolade  "),  which 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  51 

was  carried  out  in  letter  and  spirit,  and  sometimes 
much  to  the  amusement  of  the  numerous  visitors  who 
were  present  on  the  occasion." 

A  short  time  after  his  reception  Monroe  pre 
sented  an  American  flag  to  the  Convention, 
intrusting  its  carriage  to  Captain,  afterwards 
Commodore,  Barney,  an  officer  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  with  whom  Monroe  had  crossed 
the  Atlantic.  Captain  Barney  made  a  brief 
speech  on  the  occasion  in  the  presence  of  the 
Convention,  received  an  accolade  from  the 
President,  and  was  complimented  with  a  pro 
posal  to  enter  the  naval  service  of  France. 
When  the  body  of  Rousseau  was  deposited  in 
the  Pantheon,  this  flag,  borne  by  young  Bar 
ney  and  a  nephew  of  Monroe,  preceded  the 
column  of  Americans.  The  American  minis 
ter  and  his  suite,  we  are  told,  were  the  only 
persons  permitted  to  enter  the  Pantheon  with 
the  National  Convention  to  witness  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  ceremony. 

Several  months  later  (March  6,  1795)  Mon 
roe  makes  this  casual  mention  of  the  flag  in  his 
dispatch :  — 

"  I  had  forgotten  to  notify  you  officially  the  pres 
ent  I  had  made  to  the  Convention  of  our  flag.     It 
was  done  in  consequence   of  the  order  of  that  body 
for  its  suspension  in  its  hall,  and  an  intimation  from 
I 


52  JAMES  MONROE. 

the  President  himself  that  they  had  none,  and  were 
ignorant  of  the  model." 

Near  the  close  of  his  life  Monroe  said  that 
when  he  first  arrived  in  France  his  situation 
was  the  most  difficult  and  painful  he  had  ever 
experienced.  War  with  the  United  States  was 
seriously  menaced.  He  tells  us  that  he  could 
make  no  impression  on  the  Committee  of  Pub 
lic  Safety,  and  so  he  determined  to  appeal  to  the 
real  government,  the  People,  through  the  nom 
inal  one,  the  Convention,  and  thus  fairly  bring 
the  cause  before  the  nation.  He  knew  that 
their  object  was  liberty,  and  that  many  French 
citizens  had  brought  home  from  America  the 
spirit  of  our  struggle  and  infused  it  among 
their  countrymen.  At  the  head  of  our  gov 
ernment  stood  one  who  was  rightly  held  in  the 
highest  veneration  by  the  French  people ;  and 
he  felt  sure  that  if  he  brought  before  them  con 
vincing  proofs  of  Washington's  good  wishes 
for  their  success,  supported  by  that  of  the  other 
branches  of  our  government,  the  hostile  spirit 
of  the  French  government  would  be  subdued 
and  his  official  recognition  would  follow.  On 
this  principle  he  spoke  to  the  Convention  with 
the  desired  effect.  As  this  address  was  the 
subject  of  severe  animadversions  at  home,  and 
as  he  was  charged  with  going  beyond  his  in 
structions,  the  following  extract  from  a  long 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  53 

letter  to  Judge  Jones  (April  4,  1794)  l  may  be 
taken  as  evidence  that  the  envoy  acted  accord 
ing  to  his  understanding  of  the  instructions  he 
had  received. 

"  I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  my  address,  eie.,  to  the 
Convention  upon  my  introduction,  and  of  the  Presi 
dent's  reply.  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  lay  those 
papers  before  the  Convention  as  the  basis  of  my  mis 
sion,  containing  the  declaration  of  every  department 
in  favor  of  the  French  revolution,  or  implying  it 
strongly.  My  address,  you  will  observe,  goes  no 
farther  than  the  declarations  of  both  houses." 

Flattered  by  his  reception  in  the  Convention, 
Monroe  was  destined  to  a  profound  disappoint 
ment  when  he  received  a  dispatch  from  home, 
written  by  Randolph  "  in  the  frankness  of 
friendship,"  criticising  severely  the  course  he 
had  pursued. 

"  When  you  left  us,"  said  the  Secretary  of  State, 
"  we  all  supposed  that  your  reception  as  the  minister 
of  the  United  States  would  take  place  in  the  private 
chamber  of  some  committee.  Your  letter  of  credence 
contained  the  degree  of  profession  which  the  govern 
ment  was  desirous  of  making ;  and  though  the  lan 
guage  of  it  would  not  have  been  cooled,  even  if  its 
subsequent  publicity  had  been  foreseen,  still  it  was 
natural  to  expect  that  the  remarks  with  which  you 
might  accompany  its  delivery  would  be  merely  oral, 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


54  JAMES  MONROE. 

and  therefore  not  exposed  to  the  rancorous  criticism 
of  nations  at  war  with  France. 

"  It  seems  that,  upon  your  arrival,  the  downfall  of 
Robespierre  and  the  suspension  of  the  usual  routine 
of  business,  combined,  perhaps,  with  an  anxiety  to 
demonstrate  an  affection  for  the  United  States,  had 
shut  up  for  a  time  the  diplomatic  cabinet,  and  ren 
dered  the  hall  of  the  National  Convention  the  thea 
tre  of  diplomatic  civilities.  We  should  have  sup 
posed  that  an  introduction  there  would  have  brought 
to  mind  these  ideas  :  '  The  United  States  are  neutral ; 
the  allied  Powers  jealous  ;  with  England  we  are 
now  in  treaty;  by  England  we  have  been  impeached 
for  breaches  of  faith  in  favor  of  France  ;  our  citizens 
are  notoriously  Gallican  in  their  hearts ;  it  will  be 
wise  to  hazard  as  little  as  possible  on  the  score  of 
good  humor  ;  and,  therefore,  in  the  disclosure  of  my 
feelings,  something  is  due  to  the  possibility  of  fos 
tering  new  suspicions.'  Under  the  influence  of  these 
sentiments,  we  should  have  hoped  that  your  address 
to  the  National  Convention  would  have  been  so 
framed  as  to  leave  heart-burning  nowhere.  If  pri 
vate  affection  and  opinions  had  been  the  only  points 
to  be  consulted,  it  would  have  been  immaterial  where 
or  how  they  were  delivered.  But  the  range  of  a 
public  minister's  mind  will  go  to  all  the  relations  of 
our  country  with  the  whole  world.  We  do  not  per 
ceive  that  your  instructions  have  imposed  upon  you 
the  extreme  glow  of  some  parts  of  your  address  ;  and 
my  letter  in  behalf  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  has  been  considered  by  some  gentlemen  as  too 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  55 

strong,  was  not  to  be  viewed  in  any  other  light  than 
as  executing  the  task  assigned  by  that  body. 

"After  these  remarks,  which  are  never  to  be  inter 
preted  into  any  dereliction  of  the  French  cause,  I 
must  observe  to  you  that  they  are  made  principally 
to  recommend  caution,  lest  we  should  be  obliged  at 
some  time  or  other  to  explain  away  or  disavow  an 
excess  of  fervor,  so  as  to  reduce  it  down  to  the  cool 
system  of  neutrality.  You  have  it  still  in  charge  to 
cultivate  the  French  Republic  with  zeal,  but  without 
any  unnecessary  eclat ;  because  the  dictates  of  sin 
cerity  do  not  demand  that  we  should  render  notorious 
all  our  feelings  in  favor  of  that  nation." 

A  little  later  Randolph  took  a  more  concili 
atory  tone,  and  Monroe  believed  that  he  would 
never  have  spoken  so  severely  if  all  the  dis 
patches  had  reached  him  in  due  order. 

Early  in  his  residence  the  American  minis 
ter  was  involved  in  a  discussion  with  respect  to 
Mr.  Morris's  passports,  of  so  delicate  a  charac 
ter  that  the  story  was  privately  communicated 
by  Monroe  to  Washington.1  This  letter  illus 
trates  the  delays  of  correspondence,  for  it  is 
dated  November  18i  and  acknowledges  Wash 
ington's  of  June  25,  "  which  would  have  been 
answered  sooner  if  any  safe  opportunity  had 
offered  for  Bordeaux,  from  whence  vessels  most 

1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


56  JAMES  MONROE. 

frequently  sail  for  America."  Such  delays  had 
a  significant  bearing  upon  the  continuous  mis 
understandings  between  the  administration  and 
its  distant  representative.1  Monroe  was  also 
engaged  in  a  complex  correspondence  with  ref 
erence  to  the  release  of  Lafayette  from  impris 
onment  at  Olmiitz,  and  concernirig  pecuniary 
assistance  to  Madame  Lafayette,  in  whose  re 
lease  he  was  instrumental.  Many  of  our  ves 
sels  had  been  seized  and  condemned  with  their 
cargoes,  and  hundreds  of  our  citizens  were  then 
in  Paris  and  the  seaports  of  France,  many 
of  them  imprisoned,  and  all  treated  like  ene 
mies.  This  involved  the  American  minister 
in  weighty  responsibilities,  and  employed  his 
utmost  energy.  His  effort  to  secure  the  re 
lease  of  Thomas  Paine  from  imprisonment  was 
another  noteworthy  transaction,  to  which  fre 
quent  reference  was  made  in  subsequent  days, 
both  by  friends  and  opponents.  "  Mr.  Paine," 
he  wrote,  September  15,  1795,  "has  lived  in 
my  house  for  about  ten  months  past.  He  was, 
upon  my  arrival,  confined  in  the  Luxembourg, 
and  released  on  my  application  ;  after  which, 
being  sick,  he  has  remained  with  me.  .  .  .  The 

i  On  February  15,  1795,  the  Secretary  of  State  acknowl 
edges  Monroe's  last  date,  September  15,  1794,  which  had  been 
received  November  27.  Monroe's  dispatches  of  August  11 
and  25  were  received  between  December  2  and  5. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  57 

symptoms  have  become  worse,  and  the  prospect 
now  is  that  he  will  not  be  able  to  hold  out 
more  than  a  month  or  two  at  the  farthest.  I 
shall  certainly  pay  the  utmost  attention  to  this 
gentleman,  as  he  is  one  of  those  whose  merits 
in  our  Revolution  were  most  distinguished." 

It  was  not  long  before  Monroe  became  en 
tangled  in  a  much  more  serious  complication. 
A  treaty  with  Great  Britain  had  been  negoti 
ated  by  Jay  ;  so  much  as  this  was  positively 
known  in  Paris  near  the  close  of  1794,  and 
more  was  inferred  in  respect  to  it.  Citizen 
Merlin  de  Douai  (the  one  who  gave  Monroe  the 
accolade  a  few  months  before)  and  four  of  his 
associates  in  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety 
demanded  a  copy  of  the  treaty.  This  was  their 
letter  (December  27,  1794)  :  — 

"  We  are  informed,  Citizen,  that  there  was  lately 
concluded  at  London  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  com 
merce  between  the  British  government  and  Citizen 
Jay,  Envoy  Extraordinary  of  the  United  States. 

"  A  vague  report  spreads  itself  abroad  that  in  this 
treaty  the  Citizen  Jay  has  forgotten  those  things 
which  our  treaties  with  the  American  people,  and 
the  sacrifices  which  the  French  people  made  to  ren 
der  them  free,  gave  us  a  right  to  expect,  on  the  part 
of  a  minister  of  a  nation  which  we  have  so  many 
motives  to  consider  as  friendly. 

"  It  is  important  that  we  know  positively  in  what 


58  JAMES  MONROE. 

light  we  are  to  hold  this  affair.  There  ought  not  to 
subsist  between  two  free  peoples  the  dissimulation 
which  belongs  to  courts  ;  and  it  gives  us  pleasure  to 
declare  that  we  consider  you  as  much  opposed,  per 
sonally,  to  that  kind  of  policy  as  we  are  ourselves. 

"  We  invite  you,  then,  to  communicate  to  us  as 
soon  as  possible  the  treaty  whereof  there  is  question. 
It  is  the  only  means  whereby  you  can  enable  the 
French  nation  justly  to  appreciate  those  reports  so 
injurious  to  the  American  government,  and  to  which 
that  treaty  gave  birth." 

In  reply  to  this  and  other  demands  for  exact 
information  Monroe  pleaded  ignorance,  and  he 
refused  to  receive  from  Jay  confidential  and  in 
formal  statements  in  respect  to  the  treaty.  He 
contented  himself  with  general  expressions  in 
reference  to  the  purport  of  the  English  mission, 
and  with  strenuous  efforts  to  allay  the  French 
excitement.  When  the  treaty  reached  him  he 
wrote  to  Judge  Jones,  "  Jay's  treaty  surpasses 
all  that  I  feared,  great  as  my  fears  were  of  his 
mission.  Indeed,  it  is  the  most  shameful  trans 
action  I  have  ever  known  of  the  kind."  l 

The  language  in  which  he  reported  to  the  au 
thorities  at  home,  a  few  months  before,  the  con 
dition  of  affairs,  is  this  (January  13,  1795)  :  — 

"  After  my  late  communications  to  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety,  in  which  were  exposed  freely  the 
1  Gouverncur  MSS. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  59 

object  of  Mr.  Jay's  mission  to  England,  and  the  real 
situation  of  the  United  States  with  Britain  and  Spain, 
I  had  reason  to  believe  that  all  apprehension  on  those 
points  was  done  away,  and  that  the  utmost  cordiality 
had  now  likewise  taken  place  in  that  body  towards 
us.  I  considered  the  report  above  recited,  and  upon 
which  the  decree  was  founded,  as  the  unequivocal 
proof  of  that  change  of  sentiment,  and  flattered  my 
self  that,  in  every  respect,  we  had  now  the  best  pros 
pect  of  the  most  perfect  and  permanent  harmony  be 
tween  the  two  republics.  I  am  very  sorry,  however, 
to  add,  that  latterly  this  prospect  has  been  some 
what  clouded  by  accounts  from  England,  that  Mr. 
Jay  had  not  only  adjusted  the  points  in  controversy, 
but  concluded  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  that  gov 
ernment.  Some  of  those  accounts  state  that  he  had 
also  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  de 
fensive.  As  I  knew  the  baneful  effect  which  these 
reports  would  produce,  I  deemed  it  my  duty,  by  re 
peating  what  I  had  said  before  of  his  powers,  to  use 
my  utmost  endeavors,  informally,  to  discredit  them. 
This,  however,  did  not  arrest  the  progress  of  the  re 
port,  nor  remove  the  disquietude  it  had  created,  for 
I  was  finally  applied  to,  directly,  by  the  committee, 
in  a  letter,  which  stated  what  had  been  heard,  and 
requested  information  of  what  I  knew  in  regard  to 
it.  As  I  had  just  before  received  one  from  Mr.  Jay, 
announcing  that  he  had  concluded  a  treaty,  and  which 
contained  a  declaration  that  our  previous  treaties 
should  not  be  affected  by  it,  I  thought  fit  to  make 
this  letter  the  basis  of  my  reply.  And  as  it  is  neces- 


60  JAMES  MONROE. 

sary  that  you  should  be  apprised  of  whatever  has 
passed  here  on  this  subject,  I  now  transmit  to  you 
copies  of  these  several  papers,  and  which  comprise  a 
full  statement  thereof,  up  to  the  present  time. 

"  I  cannot  admit,  for  a  moment,  that  Mr.  Jay  has 
exceeded  his  powers,  or  that  anything  has  been  done 
which  will  give  just  cause  of  complaint  to  this  re 
public.  I  lament,  however,  that  he  has  not  thought 
himself  at  liberty  to  give  me  correct  information  on 
that  subject ;  for  until  it  is  known  that  their  interest 
has  not  been  wounded,  the  report  will  certainly  keep 
alive  suspicion,  and  which  always  weakens  the  bonds 
of  friendship.  I  trust,  therefore,  you  will  deem  it 
expedient  to  advise  me  on  this  head  as  soon  as  possi 
ble." 

The  irritation  of  the  French,  when  at  length 
they  discovered  the  actual  purport  of  Jay's 
treaty,  was  very  great.  In  February,  1796,  it 
appeared  that  the  Directory  considered  the  alli 
ance  between  France  and  the  United  States  as 
ceasing  to  exist  from  the  moment  the  treaty  was 
ratified,  and  intended  to  send  a  special  envoy  to 
the  United  States  in  order  to  express  their  ex 
treme  dissatisfaction.  Monroe  succeeded  in 
changing  their  purpose,  and  elicited  from  M,  de 
la  Croix,  tbe  Foreign  Minister,  a  summary,  in 
three  headings,  of  tbe  French  complaints,  to 
which  he  sent  an  elaborate  reply.  Tbe  two 
countries  bad  come  to  the  very  verge  of  war. 
But  the  administration  at  borne  was  angry  with 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  61 

the  envoy  for  not  having  endeavored  more 
strenuously  to  allay  the  apprehensions  of  France, 
and  for  failing  to  avert  the  impending  danger. 

During  the  progress  of  these  events,  the 
portfolio  of  foreign  affairs  had  been  given  up 
by  Randolph,  and  taken  up  by  Pickering,  who 
began  his  correspondence  September  12,  1795, 
by  acknowledging  a  series  of  letters,  of  which 
the  first  was  written  ten  months  before.  Mon 
roe  gained  nothing  by  this  change  in  the  coun 
cils  at  home.  Randolph's  censures  were  mild 
in  comparison  with  those  which  his  successor 
bestowed  on  the  unfortunate  envoy.  One  of  the 
severest  of  his  letters  is  that  of  June  13,  1796, 
in  which  he  complains  that  Monroe  failed  to 
make  a  suitable  vindication  of  the  United  States 
government  at  a  time  when  the  justice,  the 
faith,  and  the  honor  of  our  country  were  ques 
tioned,  and  the  most  important  interests  were 
at  stake.  This  is  followed  a  short  time  after 
wards  by  a  notification  that  he  is  superseded  by 
C.  C.  Pinckney. 

On  his  arrival  in  Paris,  Pinckney  was  pre 
sented  by  Monroe  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  but  was  refused  recognition  by  the  Di 
rectory,  and  was  not  permitted  to  remain  in 
Paris.  Mr.  Ticknor  has  recorded  a  conversation 
with  Baron  Pichon  to  this  effect,  that  Paine 
lived  in  Monroe's  house  at  Paris,  and  had  a 


62  JAMES  MONROE. 

great  deal  too  much  influence  over  him  ;  that 
Monroe's  insinuations  and  representations  of 
General  Pinckney's  character,  as  an  aristo 
crat,  prevented  his  reception  as  minister  by 
the  Directory;  and  that,  in  general,  Monroe, 
with  whose  negotiations  and  affairs  Pichon  was 
specially  charged,  acted  as  a  party-democrat 
against  the  interests  of  General  Washington's 
administration,  and  against  what  Pichon  con 
sidered  the  interests  of  the  United  States.1 
On  the  other  hand,  we  have  Pinckney's  asser 
tion,  that  during  his  brief  residence  he  saw 
Monroe  frequently,  and  found  him  open  and 
candid,  and  disposed  to  make  every  communi 
cation  which  would  be  of  service  to  our  coun 
try.  It  should  also  be  said  that  Monroe  was 
treated  with  coolness  by  the  French  govern 
ment  some  time  before  his  recall,  though  the 
civilities  to  him  were  renewed  when  his  return 
to  America  was  evidently  at  hand. 

The  ceremony  of  flag  presentation  was  re 
peated  in  this  country.  A  French  flag,  sent 
across  the  water,  was  received  by  Congress  near 
New  Year's  Day  in  1796. 

"  A  mighty  foolish  ceremony  it  was,"  writes  the 
federalist  already  quoted.2  "  It  may,  however,  have 
the  good  effect  of  quieting  the  minds  of  some  people 

1  Life  of  George  Ticknor,  ii.  113. 

2  Joshua  Coit,  January  5,  1796. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  63 

who  are  afraid  that  the  French  are  very  angry  about 
our  treaty  with  Great  Britain ;  that  nation  is  said 
to  have  been  long  famed  for  their  address  in  med 
dling  with  the  politics  of  foreign  nations,  and  they 
have  supported  well  the  character  in  this  country,  but 
I  hope  we  shall  keep  clear  of  their  influence.  The 
administrators  of  our  government  have  no  British 
attachment,  but  wish  to  keep  clear  of  all  foreign 
politics,  and  but  for  the  madness  of  party  I  think 
the  people  of  the  United  States  would  universally  see 
and  approve  the  policy.  The  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  was  necessary  to  settle  existing  disputes,  in 
its  most  important  articles ;  the  commercial  part  of 
it  is  experimental,  and  throws  no  restraint  on  our 
commerce  with  other  nations,  has  no  tendency  to 
form  political  connections,  and  I  believe  secures  im 
portant  advantages  to  us." 

Monroe's  recall  was  dated  August  22.  Men 
tioning  this  fact  to  Joseph  Jones,  he  intimated 
that  the  letter  was  probably  kept  back  to  pre 
vent  his  arrival  before  tbe  elections  were  over. 
"  I  shall  decline  a  winter  passage,"  he  added, 
"  and  therefore  most  probably  shall  not  embark 
till  April  or  May."  l  He  reached  borne  full 
of  wrath,  but  the  opposition  party  gave  him  a 
cordial  greeting,  and  he  was  entertained  in 
Philadelphia  at  a  public  dinner  where  Jeffer 
son,  the  Vice-President,  Dayton,  tbe  Speaker, 
Chief  Justice  McKean,  and  other  conspicuous 

1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


64  JAMES  MONROE. 

men  were  present.  Monroe's  failure,  it  is  clear, 
was  not  personal,  it  was  a  party  failure.  His 
hand  was  soon  turned  against  the  administra 
tion  of  Adams.  He  demanded  of  Pickering 
the  reasons  of  his  recall,  and  drew  from  the 
Secretary,  who  was  not  at  all  afraid  of  say 
ing  what  he  thought,  a  very  explicit  response. 
Washington,  in  a  note  to  Pickering  (Mt.  Ver- 
non,  August  29,  1797),  mentioned  that  Colonel 
Monroe  had  passed  through  Alexandria,  but  did 
not  honor  him  with  a  call. 

The  envoy's  neglect  did  not  mean  silence. 
He  soon  published  a  pamphlet  of  five  hundred 
pages,  entitled,  "  A  View  of  the  Conduct  of 
the  Executive,"  in  which  he  printed  his  in 
structions,  correspondence  with  the  French  and 
United  States  governments,  speeches,  and  let 
ters  received  from  Americans  resident  in  Paris. 
It  remains  to  this  day  a  most  extraordinary 
volume,  full  of  entertaining  and  instructive  les 
sons  to  young  diplomatists.  Washington,  re 
tired  from  public  life,  appears  to  have  kept 
quiet  under  strong  provocation,  but  he  sent  a 
letter  upon  the  subject  to  John  Nicholas,  and 
in  his  copy  of  the  "View"  he  wrote  his  ani 
madversions,  paragraph  by  paragraph.  These 
notes,  long  suppressed,  were  at  length  given  to 
the  world  by  Sparks.1 

1  Washington's  Writings,  vol.  x.  pp.  226,  504. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  65 

Monroe  enumerates  the  following  points, 
which,  taken  collectively,  are  to  show  his  diplo 
matic  position  and  the  attitude  of  the  adminis 
tration  toward  him.  He  mentions, 

1.  The  appointment  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
a  known  enemy  of  the  French  Revolution. 

2.  His   continuance    in    office    till    troubles 
came. 

3.  His  removal  at  the  demand  of  the  French 
government. 

4.  The  subsequent  appointment  of  Monroe, 
an  opponent  of  the  administration,  especially 
in  its  foreign  policy. 

5.  The  instructions  given  to  Monroe  as  to 
the  explanations  he  should  give  the  French  in 
respect  to  Jay's  mission,  which  concealed  the 
power  given  him  to  form  a  commercial  treaty. 

6.  The  strong  expressions  of  attachment  to 
France  and  the  principles  of  the  French  Revo 
lution  given  to  Monroe. 

7.  The   resentment    of    the    administration 
when  these  documents  were  made  public. 

8.  The  approval  of  Monroe's  endeavor  to  se 
cure  a  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  decrees,  and  the 
silence  which  followed  their  repeal. 

9.  Jay's  power  to  form  a  commercial  treaty 
with  England,  without  corresponding  advances 
to  France. 

10.  The   withholding  from   Monroe  of   the 


66  JAMES  MONROE. 

contents  of  the  treaty,  an  evidence  of  unfair 
dealing. 

11.  The    submission    of    this   treaty   to   M. 
Adet,  after  the  advice  of  the  Senate,  and  be 
fore  its  ratification  by  the  President. 

12.  The  character  of  Jay's  treaty,  which  de 
parts  from  the  modern  rule  of  contraband,  and 
yields  the  principle.   "  Free  ships  shall  make 
free  goods." 

13.  The  irritable  bearing  of  the  administra 
tion  toward  France,   after  the  ratification,  in 
contrast  with  its  bearing  toward  England,  when 
it  was  proposed  to  decline  the  ratification. 

14.  Monroe's  recall,  just  when  he  had  suc 
ceeded  in  quieting  the  French  government  for 
the  time,  and  was  likely  to  do  so  effectually. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  Washington's 
copy  of  the  "  View"  which,  according  to  Sparks, 
was  given  to  a  distinguished  jurist,  but  in  the 
library  of  Cornell  University  Sparks's  trans 
cript  of  Washington's  notes  is  preserved.  In 
this  are  the  notes  of  Washington  (hitherto  not 
printed)  on  Monroe's  appendix.  By  the  per 
mission  of  the  authorities,  I  am  able  to  print 
upon  a  subsequent  page  these  fresh  annota 
tions.1  Here  three  examples  only  will  be  given. 
Monroe,  in  a  dispatch  (February  12,  1795), 
having  spoken  of  the  danger  of  war  with  France, 
i  See  Appendix. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  67 

inquires,  What  course  then  was  I  to  pursue? 
The  note  of  Washington  is  this  :  "  As  nothing 
but  justice  and  the  fulfilment  of  a  contract  was 
asked,  it  dictated  firmness  conducted  with  tem 
perance  in  the  pursuit  of  it."  Monroe  :  "  The 
doors  of  the  Committee  [of  Public  Safety]  were 
closed  against  me."  Washington  :  "  This  ap 
pears  nowhere  but  in  his  own  conjectures." 
Again,  incidentally,  Washington  writes,  uThe 
truth  is,  Mr,  Monroe  was  cajoled,  flattered,  and 
made  to  believe  strange  things.  In  return  he 
did,  or  was  disposed  to  do,  whatever  was  pleas 
ing  to  that  nation,  reluctantly  urging  the  rights 
of  his  own." 

A  war  of  pamphlets  and  newspaper  articles 
followed  the  publication  of  the  "  View,"  in 
which  Federalists  and  Republicans  damaged 
each  other's  reputation  as  much  as  they  could. 

Party  feeling  was  ablaze  before  Monroe  pub 
lished  his  book,  but  the  flames  rose  fiercely 
when  it  appeared.  Oliver  Wolcott  wrote  to 
Washington  that  it  was  a  wicked  misrepresen 
tation  of  facts ;  that  the  author's  conduct  was 
detested  by  all  good  men,  though  he  was  sorry 
to  say  that  many  applauded  it.  As  to  Wash 
ington's  character  and  administration,  he  was 
sure  that  the  "  View  "  would  make  no  impres 
sion  beyond  the  circle  of  Tom  Paine's  ad 
mirers.  John  Adams  wrote  that  he  was  hurt 


68  JAMES  MONROE. 

at  the  levity  of  the  Americans  in  Paris.  Fisher 
Ames's  satirical  touch  is  seen  in  a  letter  to  C. 
Gore,  written  after  the  election  of  Jefferson, 
where  he  says,  "  Monroe  will,  if  he  likes,  re 
turn  to  France  to  embrace  liberty  again." 

From  another  section  of  the  Federalists  this 
opinion  comes.  Harper  of  South  Carolina,  in 
a  speech  on  the  Foreign  Intercourse  Bill,  speak 
ing  of  the  "  View,"  remarks  :  — 

"  In  this  book  is  to  be  found  the  most  complete 
justification  of  the  Executive  for  his  recall,  in  every 
respect  except  that  it  was  so  long  delayed ;  for  the 
book  contains  the  most  singular  display  of  incapacity, 
unfaithfulness,  and  presumption,  of  neglect  of  orders, 
forgetfulness  of  the  dignity,  rights,  and  interests  of 
his  own  country,  and  servile  devotedness  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  country  to  which  he  was  sent,  that 
can  be  found  in  the  history  of  diplomacy." 

He  even  intimates  that  Monroe  was  influ 
enced  by  bribery.  But  this  was  going  quite 
too  far.  The  historian  Hildreth,  who  is  not  less 
severe  than  the  most  severe  critic  yet  quoted, 
in  his  estimate  of  Monroe  repudiates  the  in 
sinuation  of  Harper.  "  These  gross  insinua 
tions,"  he  says,  "  were  totally  baseless.  The 
time  had  not  yet  come  when  American  states 
men  were  to  be  purchased  for  money.  How 
perfectly  sincere  Monroe  was  in  his  opinions  is 
manifest  throughout  the  whole  correspondence, 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  69 

which  no  purchased  tool  of  France,  none  but  a 
man  blinded  by  enthusiastic  passion,  could  ever 
have  written,  and  still  less  would  have  published. 
Nor  were  such  views  at  all  confined  to  Monroe. 
They  were  shared  by  most  of  the  leaders  and 
by  the  great  mass  of  the  opposition  party." 
These  are  the  words  of  the  Federalist  historian, 
half  a  century  after  the  "View"  appeared.1 

Some  extracts  should  also  be  given  from  the 
writings  of  Monroe's  friends.  For  example, 
Edward  Church  wrote  from  Lisbon,  December 
24,  1796,  "  My  ideas  of  the  importance  of  ob 
serving  inviolate  our  friendship  and  alliance 
with  the  French  nation  go  far  beyond  yours, 
as  I  conceive  the  connection  essentially  neces 
sary  to  our  preservation  as  independent  states, 
it  being  evidently  our  best,  if  not  our  only  se 
curity  against  the  danger  of  becoming  once 
more  the  poor,  pitiful,  servile,  dependent  slaves 
of  Britain."  2 

The  wrath  of  another  of  Monroe's  corre 
spondents,  in  Paris,  found  expression  in  these 
terms  :  — 

"  "Were  I  able  to  draw  the  contrast,  which  the  sub 
ject  so  richly  deserves,  between  this  extraordinary 
man's  military  exit  and  that  of  the  late  idolized  stat 
ute  [«c]  of  the  people  of  my  country,  I  would  so 

1  Hildreth's  United  States,  ii.  101. 

2  Gouverneur  MSS. 


70  JAMES  MONROE. 

paint  Mr.  Washington  on  his  milk-white  steed,  re 
ceiving  the  incense  of  all  the  little  girls  on  Trenton 
Bridge,  and  then  I  would  march  him  about  in  the 
streets  of  Boston,  so  like  a  roasted  ox  that  I  once 
saw  carried  a  whole  day  in  triumph  by  the  people  of 
that  famous  town,  that  the  automaton  chief  should 
groan  and  sweat  under  the  weight  of  those  laurels, 
which  are  momently  dropping  from  his  brows  into 
the  sink  and  dirt  of  his  puny  and  anti-republican  ad 
ministration."  1 

There  is  a  significant  paragraph  in  Thiers's 
"  History  of  the  French  Revolution,"  which 
may  be  regarded,  I  think,  as  showing  the  im 
pression  which  Monroe  made  upon  the  people 
to  whom  he  was  accredited  :  — 

"  In  the  French  government  there  were  persons  in 
favor  of  a  rupture  with  the  United  States.  Monroe, 
who  was  ambassador  to  Paris,  gave  the  Directory  the 
most  prudent  advice  on  this  occasion.  War  with 
France,  said  he,  will  force  the  American  government 
to  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  England  and  to  sub 
mit  to  her  influence  ;  aristocracy  will  gain  supreme 
control  in  the  United  States,  and  liberty  will  be  com 
promised.  By  patiently  enduring,  on  the  contrary, 
the  wrongs  of  the  present  President,  you  will  leave 
him  without  excuse,  you  will  enlighten  the  Amer 
icans,  ,and  decide  a  contrary  choice  at  the  next  elec 
tion.  All  the  wrongs  of  which  France  may  have  to 
complain  will  then  be  repaired.  This  wise  and  provi- 
1  Gouverneur  MSS.  May  15,  1797. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE. 


71 


dent  advice  had  its  effect  upon  the  Directory.  Rew- 
bell,  Barras,  and  Lareveillere,  had  caused  it  to  be 
adopted  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  the  system 
atic  Carnot,  who,  though  in  general  favorably  dis 
posed  to  peace,  insisted  on  the  cession  of  Louisiana, 
with  a  view  to  attempt  the  establishment  of  a  repub 
lic  there." 

In  addition  to  this  diplomatic  controversy, 
Monroe  was  involved  in  another  more  personal 
collision  with  Hamilton,  occasioned  by  the  Cal- 
lender  publication,1  —  but  into  the  details  of 
this  disagreeable  story  I  see  no  reason  for  en 
tering  now. 

Monroe  was  much  displeased  by  the  publica 
tion  of  that  part  of  his  dispatches  which  related 
to  the  Jacobins,  and  thus  wrote  to  Judge  Jones, 
June  20,  1795:  — 

"  The  publication  of  extracts  from  my  letters  re 
specting  the  Jacobins  was  an  unbecoming  and  uncan- 
did  thing,  as  they  were  the  only  parts  of  my  corre 
spondence  that  were  published.  I  stated  the  truth, 
and  therefore  am  not  dissatisfied  with  the  publica 
tion  in  that  respect.  But  to  me  it  appears  strange 
that  the  fortunes  of  that  misguided  club  should  be 
the  only  subject  treated  in  my  correspondence  upon 
which  it  was  necessary  to  convey  the  information  it 
could  to  our  countrymen.  Certainly,  in  relation  to 

i  "  An  undigested  and  garrulous  collection  of  libels."  Hil- 
dreth,  ii.  104. 


72  JAMES  MONROE. 

the  honor  and  welfare  of  my  country,  it  was  the  least 
important  of  all  the  subjects  upon  which  I  treated. 
Besides,  that  club  was  as  unlike  the  patriotic  societies 
in  America  as  light  is  to  darkness,  the  former  being 
a  society  that  had  absolutely  annihilated  all  other 
government  in  France,  and  whose  denunciations 
carried  immediately  any  of  the  deputies  to  the  scaf 
fold,  whereas  the  latter  are  societies  of  enlightened 
men,  who  discuss  measures  and  principles,  and  of 
course  whose  opinions  have  no  other  weight  than  as 
they  are  well  founded  and  have  reason  on  their  side, 
to  extirpate  which  is  to  extirpate  liberty  itself." 

During  all  his  exciting  residence  in  Paris,  it 
is  interesting  to  trace  the  minute  interest  main 
tained  by  Monroe  in  whatever  pertained  to  his 
domestic  affairs.  There  are  long  letters  in  the 
Gouverneur  collection  devoted  to  his  financial 
business,  to  the  welfare  of  his  brothers,  An 
drew  and  Joseph,  and  of  his  sister,  to  his  land 
bought  near  Mr.  Jefferson,  his  servants,  fruit- 
trees,  etc.,  besides  many  a  passage  in  regard  to 
his  nephew  Joseph,  who  was  at  school  at  St. 
Germain,  and  young  Rutledge,  likewise  placed 
under  the  envoy's  paternal  care.  His  interest 
in  the  progress  of  these  American  boys  in  their 
French  school  betrays  an  unvarying  kindness 
of  heart  in  the  midst  of  pressing  anxieties  and 
cares. 

Times  change.     Five   years   after  Monroe's 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  73 

recall,  Jefferson  writes  : l  "  We  have  ever  looked 
to  France  as  our  natural  friend,  one  with  whom 
we  could  never  have  an  occasion  of  difference  ; 
but  there  is  one  spot  on  the  globe,  the  possessor 
of  which  is  our  natural  enemy.  That  spot  is 
New  Orleans.  France  placing  herself  in  that 
door  assumes  to  us  the  attitude  of  defiance.  .  .  . 
From  that  moment  we  must  marry  ourselves  to 
the  British  fleet  and  nation." 

1  To  Livingston,  April  18, 1802. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ENVOY  IN   FRANCE,   SPAIN,   AND  ENGLAND. 

JEFFERSON,  never  wanting  in  interest  when 
Monroe's  affairs  required  counsel,  and  trusting 
him  implicitly,  wrote  to  the  despondent  and 
angry  envoy  that  he  ought  to  come  forward 
again  into  public  life.  "  Come  to  Congress,"  was 
his  advice,  as  if  coming  to  Congress  was  an  act 
of  the  will,  — "  reappear  on  the  public  theatre  ; 
Cabel  has  said  he  would  give  way  to  you." 1 
But  instead  of  entering  at  once  into  national 
affairs,  Monroe  became  governor  of  Virginia, 
and  held  the  office  three  years.  Jefferson, 
meanwhile,  had  become  President,  and  soon 
had  an  opportunity  to  return  Monroe  to  the 
legation  in  France.  The  story  of  this  second 
embassy  includes  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
and  has  therefore  been  examined  over  and  over 
again  by  those  who  are  interested  in  the  growth 
of  our  national  territory. 

In  addition  to  the  usual  publication  of  the 
correspondence  of  the  times,  much  reliance  is 
placed  on   the  volume    by  Barbd    Marbois,   in 
1  Letter  to  Monroe,  May  21,  1798.   Jefferson,  iv.  241-243. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  75 

which  he  reports  his  interviews  with  Bonaparte. 
The  English  translation  of  this  work  is  attrib 
uted  to  William  Beach  Lawrence ; l  its  appen 
dix  omits  some  statements  which  are  given  in 
the  original  French.  Among  the  manuscripts 
of  Monroe  I  have  met  with  this  remark,  "  the 
work  of  Marbois  is  written  in  a  spirit  of  great 
candor,  and  with  friendly  feeling  for  me,  but 
he  is  mistaken  in  some  facts  which  I  have  docu 
ments  to  show."  2 

The  importance  of  the  outlet  of  the  Missis 
sippi  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  great  valley  of 
the  West  was  always  obvious.  As  early  as  1784 
Monroe  had  written  in  regard  to  it,  and  in  his 
first  mission  to  France,  as  we  have  seen,  he  had 
been  instructed  to  press  the  claims  of  the  United 
States. 

In  the  spring  of  1801  intelligence  reached 
this  country  that  Spain  had  ceded  her  rights  in 
Louisiana  to  France,  and  the  next  year  the 
Spanish  intendant  gave  notice  that  New  Or 
leans  would  no  longer  be  a  "  place  of  deposit."  3 
Jefferson  communicated  this  highly  significant 
information  to  Congress  when  it  assembled 
in  December.  There  was  great  excitement 
through  the  country,  especially  in  the  West, 
and  one  newspaper,  at  least,  raised  the  cry  of 
disunion. 

1  C.  F.  Hart,  in  Penn  Monthly. 

2  May  29,  1829.  8  October  16,  1802. 


76  JAMES  MONfiOE. 

The  conclusion  was  quickly  reached,  to 
chase  from  France,  if  possible,  the  outlet  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  Congress  appropriated  the 
sum  of  two  million  dollars  for  this  object ;  and 
Jefferson  selected  Monroe  to  go  as  a  special 
minister  and  act  with  Livingston,  our  resident 
representative  at  Paris,  in  an  endeavor  to  secure 
the  coveted  domain.  Almost  simultaneously 
Lewis  and  Clarke  were  recommended  for  the 
exploration  of  the  upper  Mississippi.  Monroe 
accordingly  went  upon  his  embassy,  and  within 
a  month  after  his  arrival  was  able  with  his 
colleague  to  report  the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 
The  treaty  was  ratified  by  Bonaparte  in  May, 
1803,  and  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
in  the  next  October.  It  is  not  always  that 
the  interior  history  of  a  great  international 
bargain  is  so  fully  revealed  to  the  public  as  it 
is  in  the  present  case,  and  Monroe's  relation  to 
it  must  now  be  more  carefully  considered. 

The  -interests  of  four  nations  were  closely 
involved  in  this  transaction  :  Spain,  who  had 
promised  to  yield  her  rights  in  Louisiana,  but 
retained  her  control  of  the  Floridas,  and  had 
not,  according  to  Talleyrand's  statements,  quite 
perfected  the  transfer;  England,  in  a  hostile 
attitude  toward  France,  and  not  unlikely  at 
any  time  to  make  a  descent  upon  a  portion  of 
her  territory ;  France,  in  anxious  expectation 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  77 

of  an  outbreak  of  hostilities,  in  want  of  money, 
and  predisposed  to  build  up  in  America  a  power 
which  should  rival  England ;  and  the  United 
States,  eager  to  secure  the  maritime  outlet  of 
its  great  river  system,  and  almost  inclined  to 
seize  it  by  force. 

Six  individuals  were  conspicuous  in  the  ne 
gotiation  :  on  the  American  side,  Jefferson, 
once  minister  to  France,  now  sixty  years  old, 
and  half  way  through  his  first  presidential 
term,  whose  sagacity  recognized  the  importance 
of  securing  Louisiana,  and  initiated  the  pur 
chase  ;  R.  R.  Livingston,  two  years  younger, 
who  had  been  for  two  years  resident  as  the 
American  minister  in  France,  and  had  been 
pressing  the  American  claim  to  be  indemnified 
for  the  French  spoliations,  and  had  brought 
the  government  to  consider  the  possibility  of 
ceding  the  desired  territory ;  and  Monroe,  for 
ty-five  years  old,  whose  former  residence  in 
Paris  was  not  forgotten,  and  who  entered  upon 
his  second  diplomatic  mission  fresh  from  the 
instructions  of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  from 
the  inspiration  of  popular  enthusiasm  with 
respect  to  the  acquisition  which  he  was  sent 
to  secure.  On  the  French  side  stood  Bona 
parte,  the  youngest  of  the  group,  thirty-five 
years  old,  then  First  Consul,  and  in  the  flush  of 
his  military  and  civil  power ;  Talleyrand,  a 


78  JAMES  MONROE. 

man  of  forty-nine  years,  holding  the  portfolio 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  not  wholly  trusted  by  the 
Consul,  but  well  qualified  by  his  skill  in  diplo 
macy  and  by  his  acquaintance  with  the  United 
States  to  take  a  part  in  the  business ;  and 
Marbois  (about  the  age  of  Livingston),  who 
had  held  a  diplomatic  position  in  America,  and 
was  now  the  Minister  of  the  Treasury,  enjoy 
ing  the  confidence  of  Bonaparte,  and  called  by 
him  to  be  leader  in  this  negotiation.  In  his 
history  of  this  transaction,  Marbois  attributes 
its  rapid  and  felicitous  progress  to  the  fact  that 
the  plenipotentiaries  had  been  long  acquainted, 
and  were  disposed  to  treat  one  another  with 
mutual  confidence. 

Livingston,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Monroe's 
arrival  in  Havre,  sent  him  the  following  letter 
of  welcome,  written  in  a  tone  of  despondency :  — 

"lOtfi  April,  1803. 

"  I  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  arrival.  We  have 
long  and  anxiously  waited  for  you.  God  grant  that 
your  mission  may  answer  yours  and  the  public  ex 
pectation.  War  may  do  something  for  us,  nothing 
else  would.  I  have  paved  the  way  for  you,  and  if 
you  could  add  to  my  memoirs  an  assurance  that  we 
were  now  in  possession  of  New  Orleans,  we  should 
do  well ;  but  I  detain  Mr.  Bentalou,  who  is  impatient 
to  fly  to  the  arms  of  his  wife.  I  have  apprised  the 
minister  of  your  arrival,  and  told  him  you  would  be 
here  on  Tuesday  or  Wednesday." 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  79 

It  so  happened  that  on  this  very  day,  April 
10,  after  the  solemnities  of  Easter  Sunday, 
Bonaparte  discussed  with  Talleyrand  and  Mar- 
bois  the  Louisiana  question.  They  were  di 
vided  in  counsel ;  the  conference  was  prolonged 
into  the  night,  and  the  ministers  remained  at 
St.  Cloud.  At  daybreak  Bonaparte,  having  al 
ready  received  alarming  dispatches  from  Eng 
land,  summoned  Marbois,  who  had  advised  the 
cession,  and  said  to  him  in  substance :  "  I  re 
nounce  Louisiana.  Negotiate  for  its  cession. 
Don't  wait  for  Monroe.  I  want  fifty  million 
francs  ;  for  less  I  will  not  treat.  Acquaint  me 
day  by  day,  hour  by  hour,  with  your  progress. 
Keep  Talleyrand  informed."  Armed  with  these 
instructions,  Marbois  sought  Livingston.  Be 
fore  they  met,  Talleyrand  had  been  unsuccess 
fully  endeavoring  to  reach  some  point  of  agree 
ment.  He  had  asked  Livingston  if  the  United 
States  wished  for  the  whole  of  Louisiana.  The 
answer  had  been  No  ;  but  that  it  would  be  pol 
itic  in  France  to  give  it  up.  The  price  to  be 
paid  was  the  matter  in  question. 

At  this  juncture  Monroe  reached  Paris.  He 
heard  with  surprise  from  Livingston  of  the 
readiness  of  the  French  to  sell  the  territory,  and 
the  two  envoys  proceeded  to  discuss  the  price 
which  they  could  venture  to  promise.  While 
Monroe  was  taking  his  first  dinner  with  Liv- 


80  JAMES  MONROE. 

ingston,  in  company  witli  other  American  gen 
tlemen,  Marbois  appeared  in  the  garden  and 
presently  joined  the  party.  Before  leaving  he 
led  Livingston  into  a  free  conference  upon  the 
cession,  and  invited  him  to  continue  the  talk  at 
a  later  hour  after  the  company  had  dispersed. 
Livingston  went  to  the  house  of  Marbois,  and 
stayed  there  till  midnight.  The  whole  country 
of  Louisiana  was  then  offered  to  the  United 
States  for  one  hundred  million  francs,  and  the 
claims.  Livingston  pronounced  it  an  exorbi 
tant  price,  and  Marbois  did  not  deny  that  it  was. 
No  conclusion  could  be  reached  without  consult 
ing  Monroe  ;  but  Livingston,  without  waiting 
to  do  so,  sat  up  until  three  o'clock  and  wrote 
a  midnight  dispatch  to  Madison,  narrating  the 
interview  with  Marbois,  and  saying  that  he  was 
sure  the  purchase  was  wise.  He  also  made  a 
suggestion,  which  in  these  days  is  astounding, 
that  if  the  price  is  too  high,  the  outlay  may  be 
reimbursed  by  the  "  sale  of  the  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi,  with  the  right  of  sovereignty, 
to  some  Power  in  Europe,  whose  vicinity  we 
should  not  fear."  1  This  is  not  precisely  in  ac 
cordance  with  what  was  afterwards  known  as 
the  Monroe  doctrine. 

From  this  time  on,  Talleyrand  was  not  con 
spicuous  in  the  scenes,  though  it  is  more  than 

1  State  Papers,  ii.  554. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  81 

possible  that  behind  them  his  hand  was  at 
work,  perhaps  obstructively.  At  any  rate,  for 
one  reason  or  another,  he  delayed  the  presen 
tation  of  Monroe  to  Bonaparte  until  May  1,  and 
even  then  failed  to  be  personally  present,  leav 
ing  to  Livingston  the  ceremonious  duty  of  nam 
ing  his  colleague.  Probably  he  was  -annoyed 
that  the  First  Consul  agreed  with  Marbois,  and 
had  given  to  him  the  authority  to  proceed. 

Livingston  and  Monroe,  after  reviewing  the 
situation,  made  up  their  minds  that  they  could 
give  fifty  millions,  and,  in  the  bargaining  spirit 
which  governed  both  sides,  offered  forty  mil 
lions,  one  half  to  be  returned  to  American 
claimants.  Marbois  expressed  his  regret  that 
they  could  not  give  more,  and  proposed  to 
consult  the  Consul.  He  came  back  from  St. 
Cloud,  saying  that  the  business  might  be  con 
sidered  as  no  longer  in  his  hands,  so  coolly  had 
Bonaparte  received  their  proposition.  He  ad 
vised  that  some  pressure  be  brought  to  bear 
upon  Talleyrand  in  order  to  secure  the  early 
presentation  of  Monroe.  Later  in  the  day 
Marbois  came  in  to  a  dinner  which  Cambacdres 
was  giving,  and  told  the  American  envoys  that 
if  the  Consul  did  not  reopen  the  question  they 
might  consider  the  plan  relinquished.  They 
quickly  proceeded  to  offer  fifty  millions.  Mar 
bois  doubted  whether  this  wojald  be  accepted* 
6 


82  JAMES  MONROE. 

Here  came  a  significant  pause  lasting  for  several 
days.  "  We  were  resting  on  our  oars,"  says 
one  of  the  negotiators. 

On  April  17  Bonaparte  made  an  official  an 
nouncement  to  the  Pope  and  others  that  in  con 
sequence  of  England's  violation  of  the  Peace 
of  Amiens,  France  was  involved  in  war  with 
her.  It  is  easy  to  see  the  bearing  of  this  on 
the  American  negotiations.  Ten  days  later 
Marbois  laid  before  Livingston  and  Monroe 
the  draft  of  a  treaty  given  him  by  the  govern 
ment,1  and  another,  his  own.  In  the  latter  he 
proposed  as  the  price  eighty  million  francs, 
which  was  to  include  the  sum  requisite  for  the 
American  claimants.  Our  envoys  offered  fifty 
millions  and  twenty  more  for  the  claimants, 
but  at  last  acceded  to  the  figures  of  Marbois. 

This  concluded  the  business.  Marbois  tells 
us  that  Bonaparte  when  he  heard  what  sum 
had  been  agreed  upon  received  the  intelligence 
with  opposition.  He  had  forgotten  or  feigned 
to  forget  his  original  willingness  to  sell  for  fifty 
millions,  and  he  objected  to  the  allowance  of 
twenty  millions  to  the  American  suitors  ;  but 
he  soon  grew  calmer  and  acquiesced  in  the  ces- 

1  In  the  Correspondance  de  Napoleon,  vol.  viii.,  the  projet  of 
a  secret  convention  between  France  and  the  United  States  is 
printed  (without  signature),  dated  April  23,  1803,  from  the 
Archives  de  France. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  83 

sion.  "  I  have  given  to  England,"  he  said  ex- 
ultingly,  "  a  maritime  rival  which  will  sooner 
or  later  humble  her  pride."  Some  details  were 
worked  out  in  respect  to  the  mode  of  payment ; 
Monroe's  presentation  to  the  Consul  soon  fol 
lowed  ;  and  at  length,  May  2,  the  plenipoten 
tiaries  signed  the  French  copy  of  the  treaty, 
and  two  or  three  days  later  the  copy  in  Eng 
lish.  On  the  thirteenth  of  the  month  a  ratified 
copy  was  transmitted  to  Madison.  Two  con 
ventions  proceeded  from  the  treaty  of  cession, 
the  first  in  respect  to  the  mode  of  payment  for 
the  cession ;  the  second  in  respect  to  American^ 
claims.  V 

As  soon  as  they  had  signed  the  treaty  the 
plenipotentiaries  rose  and  shook  hands,  when 
Livingston  said,  expressing  the  general  satisfac 
tion,  "  we  have  lived  long,  but  this  is  the  no 
blest  work  of  our  whole  lives."  l  This  harmo 
nious  conclusion  was  not  reached  without  some 
personal  rivalry  (if  jealousy  is  too  harsh  a  term 
to  be  employed)  between  the  American  repre 
sentatives  ;  and  there  is  a  long  letter  still  extant 
in  which  Monroe  recounts  the  embarrassments 
of  the  situation  arising  from  the  conduct  of  his 
colleague.  But  their  personal  feelings  were 
fortunately  kept  in  the  background  until  the 

1  His  speech  as  reported  by  Marbois,  p.  310,  is  full  of  inter 
est. 


84  JAMES  MONROE. 

business  was  concluded,  although  they  may  be 
incidentally  traced  in  their  public  and  official 
correspondence.1 

On  May  21  Marbois  received  the  following 
letter  of  acknowledgment :  2  — 

"Sur  les  240,000  francs,  Citoyen  Ministre,  que 
doivent  les  six  banquiers  du  tresor  public,  48,000 
francs  seront  donnes  en  gratification,  conformement  a 
ma  lettre  dece  jour;  192,000  francs  seront  a  votre 
disposition  pour  suppleer  a  1'insuffisance  de  votre 
traitement,  ayant  1'intention  que  vous  voyiez  dans 
cette  disposition  le  desir  que  j'ai  de  vous  temoigner 
ma  satisfaction  de  vos  travaux  importants  et  du  bon 
ordre  que  vous  avez  mis  dans  votre  ministere,  qui  ont 
valu  a,  la  Republique  un  grand  iiombre  de  millions. 

"  BONAPARTE." 

"  Monroe  took  leave  of  Bonaparte  June  24, 
having  been  presented  to  him  for  this  purpose 
by  Talleyrand  at  St.  Cloud.  The  First  Consul 
asked  if  he  were  about  going  to  London,  and 
Monroe  replied  that  he  had  lately  received 
the  orders  of  the  President,  in  case  our  affairs 
here  were  amicably  adjusted,  to  repair  to  Lon 
don  ;  that  the  resignation  of  our  minister  there, 
and  the  want  of  a  charge,  made  it  necessary  to 
go  at  once.  He  then  gave  a  formal  expression 
of  American  good-will ;  to  which  Bonaparte  re- 

1  Monroe  MSS. 

2  Corrtspon dance  de  Napoleon  I",  An  XL  (1803). 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE,  85 

plied  that  "  no  one  wished  more  than  himself 
the  preservation  of  a  good  understanding ; 
that  the  cession  he  had  made  was  not  so  much 
on  account  of  the  price  given  as  from  motives 
of  policy;  and  that  he  wished  for  friendship 
between  the  republics."  l 

In  the  progress  of  this  affair  the  French  had 
promised  the  Americans  to  exert  their  good  in 
fluences  with  Spain  to  induce  her  to  yield  the 
Floridas,  —  the  limit  separating  these  posses 
sions  from  Louisiana  being  then  in  dispute. 
Monroe,  as  soon  as  the  Louisiana  purchase  was 
completed,  determined  to  go  to  Madrid  and  treat 
for  the  Floridas,  but  Cambaceres,  who  heard 
him  say  this  one  day  at  dinner,  almost  forbade 
him,  for  reasons  which  were  not  quite  easy  to  be 
discovered.  He  accordingly  called  on  the  Span 
ish  minister,  and  there  to  his  surprise  he  found 
that  Livingston  had  already  begun  that  negoti 
ation  with  Spain  which  Monroe  had  been  espe 
cially  charged  to  undertake.  This  led  to  serious 
explanations  between  the  two  American  en 
voys.  Monroe  postponed  his  visit  to  Spain  and 
went  to  London.  He  had  left  the  United 
States  accredited  to  France,  Spain  and  Eng 
land,  —  the  commission  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James  having  been  an  afterthought,  and  dated 
three  months  later. 

i  Monroe  MSS. 


86  JAMES  MONROE 

As  a  sequel  to  this  narrative,  the  following 
letter  to  Marbois  from  Monroe  will  be  read  with 
interest :  1  — 

"  LONDON,  February  14,  1804. 

"  My  last  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  (of  De 
cember  26)  mentioned  that  Louisiana  was  surrendered 
to  the  Prefect  of  France  the  latter  end  of  November, 
who  was  to  transfer  it  to  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  States  on  their  arrival  at  New  Orleans,  which 
was  expected  in  a  day  or  two  from  that  date.  Mr. 
Madison  adds  that  he  considers  all  difficulties  on  that 
subject  as  happily  terminated.  Mr.  B.  is  expected 
here  daily  with  everything  belonging  to  a  complete 
execution  of  this  transaction.  In  the  mean  time  I  am 
pursuaded  that  the  house  in  Holland  will  consider  it 
as  concluded  and  act  accordingly. 

"  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  observe  that  the  prompt 
and  unconditional  exchange  of  ratifications  by  your 
charge  des  affaires  at  Washington,  and  his  correct 
conduct  in  promoting  the  transfer  of  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  his 
government,  are  unequivocal  proofs  of  the  good  faith 
with  which  the  treaties  were  formed.  The  manner 
in  which  the  President  expressed  himself  in  his  mes 
sage  to  Congress  of  the  enlarged  liberty  and  friendly 
policy  which  governed  the  First  Consul  in  the  trans 
action,  shows  in  strong  terms  the  sense  which  he 
entertains  of  it.  May  it  seal  forever  the  friendship 
of  the  two  nations.  To  have  been  in  any  degree  in 
strumental  to  that  important  result,  is  one  of  the  cir- 
Monroe  MSS. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  87 

cumstances  of  my  life  which  will  always  give  me  the 
highest  satisfaction.  In  society  with  my  respectable 
colleague,  to  have  met  an  old  friend  on  the  other 
side,  who  had  experienced,  as  well  as  myself,  some 
vicissitudes  in  the  extraordinary  movements  of  the 
epoch  in  which  we  live,  is  an  incident  which  adds  not 
a  little  to  the  gratification  which  I  derive  from  the 
event. 

"  You  have  doubtless  heard  that  Jerome  Bonaparte 
is  married  to  Miss  Patterson  of  Baltimore.  Her  fa 
ther  is  one  of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  that  town 
or  rather  of  the  State  of  Maryland.  Her  mother 
is  a  sister  of  General  Smith,  a  member  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  the  officer  who  defended  Mud 
Island  below  Philadelphia  in  our  Revolution.  The 
connection  is  every  way  as  respectable  as  he  could 
have  formed  in  the  United  States.  The  young  lady 
is  amiable,  very  handsome,  and  perfectly  innocent. 
The  bearer  of  this  is  her  brother,  who  goes  to  Paris 
from  this  place,  to  carry  a  letter  from  Jerome  to  the 
First  Consul,  which  was  transmitted  to  me  by  her 
father.  As  he  has  also  written  to  Mr.  Livingston,  I 
inclose  to  him  the  letter  to  the  First  Consul,  as  he 
might  expect  that  the  communication  should  be  made 
through  him.  Nevertheless,  I  have  taken  the  liberty 
to  present  to  you  the  young  man,  and  apprise  you  of 
the  above  facts,  in  confidence  that  you  will  make  such 
friendly  representations  of  the  affair  as  you  may  find 
necessary." 

The  letter  concludes  with  messages  of  private 
friendship. 


88  JAMES  MONROE. 

Livingston  was  never  quite  at  his  ease  in  re 
spect  to  Monroe.  He  naturally  felt  some  cha 
grin  in  not  being  allowed  to  conclude,  without 
the  support  of  a  fresh  colleague,  the  negotia 
tion  he  had  undertaken,  and  he  was  careful  not 
to  yield  any  of  his  own  prerogatives  or  to  con 
ceal  his  own  services.  The  apprehensions  un 
der  which  he  opened  his  correspondence  with 
Monroe,  on  the  latter's  arrival  in  Havre,  he 
subsequently  explained  as  due  to  the  dissimula 
tions  of  Talleyrand.  These  were  his  explana 
tions  to  Madison  :  l  — 

"  I  have  in  nay  former  letter  informed  you  of  M. 
Talleyrand's  calling  upon  rne,  previous  to  the  arrival 
of  Mr.  Monroe,  for  a  proposition,  for  the  whole  of 
Louisiana;  of  his  afterwards  trifling  with  rne,  and 
telling  me  that  what  he  said  was  unauthorized.  This 
circumstance,  for  which  I  have  accounted  to  you  in 
one  of  my  letters,  led  me  to  think,  though  it  after 
wards  appeared  without  reason,  that  some  change 
had  taken  place  in  the  determination  which  I  knew 
the  Consul  had  before  taken  to  sell.  I  had  just  then 
received  a  line  from  Mr.  Monroe,  informing  me  of 
his  arrival.  I  wrote  to  him  a  hasty  answer,  under 
the  influence  of  ideas  excited  by  these  prevarications 
of  the  minister,  expressing  the  hope  that  he  had 
brought  information  that  New  Orleans  was  in  our 
possession ;  that  I  hoped  our  negotiation  might  be 
successful ;  but  that,  while  I  feared  nothing  but  war 
i  November  15,  1803. 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  89 

would  avail  us  anything,  I  had  paved  the  way  for  him. 
This  letter  is  very  imprudently  shown  and  spoken  of 
by  Mr.  Monroe's  particular  friends  as  a  proof  that 
he  had  been  the  principal  agent  in  the  negotiation. 
So  far,  indeed,  as  it  may  tend  to  this  object,  it  is  of 
little  moment,  because  facts  and  dates  are  too  well 
known  to  be  contradicted.  For  instance,  it  is  known 
to  everybody  here  that  the  Consul  had  taken  his  re 
solution  to  sell  previous  to  Mr.  Monroe's  arrival.  It 
is  a  fact  well  known  that  M.  Marbois  was  authorized, 
informally,  by  the  First  Consul,  to  treat  with  me, 
before  Mr.  Monroe  reached  Paris  ;  that  he  actually 
made  me  the  very  proposition  we  ultimately  agreed 
to,  before  Mr.  Monroe  had  seen  a  minister,  except 
M.  Marbois,  for  a  moment,  at  my  house,  where  he 
came  to  make  the  proposition,  Mr.  Monroe  not  hav 
ing  been  presented  to  M.  Talleyrand,  to  whom  I  in 
troduced  him  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day.  All, 
then,  that  remained  to  negotiate,  after  his  arrival, 
was  a  diminution  of  the  price,  and  in  this  our  joint 
mission  was  unfortunate ;  for  we  came  up,  as  soon  as 
Mr.  Monroe's  illness  would  suffer  him  to  do  busi 
ness,  after  a  few  days  delay,  to  the  minister's  offers. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Monroe's  talents  and  ad 
dress  would  have  enabled  him,  had  he  been  placed  in 
my  circumstances,  to  have  effected  what  I  have  done. 
But  he,  unfortunately,  came  too  late  to  do  more  than 
assent  to  the  propositions  that  were  made  us,  and  to 
aid  in  reducing  them  to  form.  I  think  he  has  too 
much  candor  not  to  be  displeased  that  his  friends 
should  publicly  endeavor  to  depreciate  me  by  speak- 


90  JAMES  MONROE. 

ing  of  a  private  letter,  hastily  written,  under  circum 
stances  of  irritation  with  which  Mr.  Monroe  is  fully 
.acquainted  ;  a  letter,  too,  which  may  contribute  in 
two  ways  to  advance  the  views  of  the  enemies  of  the 
administration.  It  is  in  this  light  only  that  it  gives 
me  pain." 

In  looking  over  this  extraordinary  chapter 
in  history,  which  records  probably  the  largest 
transaction  in  real  estate  which  the  world  has 
ever  known,  it  is  interesting  to  trace  the  con 
currence  of  so  many  factors.  The  ambition  of 
Napoleon,  the  sagacity  of  Jefferson,  the  diplo 
macy  of  Talleyrand  and  Marbois,  the  caution 
of  Livingston,  the  enthusiasm  of  Monroe,  were 
all  manifested  in  the  sale  of  a  part  of  the  North 
American  continent,  the  boundaries  of  which 
were  uncertain,  the  title  insecure,  and  the  price 
incapable  of  being  determined  by  any  market 
standard  nearer  than  "  the  cost  of  Etruria," 
which  was  the  price  of  the  cession  of  Louisiana 
by  Spain.  Yet  back  of  these  personal  influ 
ences  were  great  ideas  controlling  the  action  of 
vigorous  nations  ;  there  was  the  English  deter 
mination  to  put  down  the  rising  dominion  of 
Napoleon  ;  there  was  the  willingness  of  Spain 
to  give  up  New  Orleans  ;  there  was  the  Amer 
ican  resolution  to  secure,  by  diplomacy  or  by 
force,  the  Mississippi  outlet  ;  there  was  the 
readiness  of  France  to  prevent  the  seizure  of 


ENVOY  IN  FRANCE.  91 

New  Orleans  by  the  English,  and  to  build  up 
in  the  new  world  a  powerful  rival  to  Great 
Britain.  France  was  enough  involved  with 
financial  difficulties  to  need  money ;  the  United 
States,  by  a  wise  financial  policy,  was  in  good 
credit  at  Amsterdam ;  and  so,  when  the  price 
had  been  fixed,  there  was  no  trouble  about  pay 
ment,  and  no  delay  in  the  transfer. 

Nobody  could  foretell  the  momentous  conse 
quences  which  would  proceed  from  this  sale. 
Bonaparte  thought  that  two  or  three  hundred 
years  later  American  influence  might  be  over 
powering,  a  contingency  so  remote  that  even 
his  aspirations  were  not  affected  by  it ;  and  Jef 
ferson  was  far-seeing  enough  to  devise  an  ex 
ploring  expedition  which  should  proceed  to  the 
extreme  Northwest  and  report  with  as  much 
precision  as  the  science  of  the  day  would  per 
mit  in  respect  to  the  sources  of  the  great  rivers. 
But  this  was  all.  Beyond  the  Mississippi  was 
a  land  unknown.  The  Americans  did  not  ask 
for  it,  and  Livingston  comforted  himself  with 
the  thought  that  perhaps  a  part  of  it  could  be 
resold ;  France  pressed  its  purchase  on  those 
who  were  only  asking  for  New  Orleans  and  the 
Floridas.  By  this  marvellous  combination  of 
circumstances  Louisiana,  including  the  far 
northwest,  became  ours. 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  United  States 


92  JAMES  MONROE. 

has  been  closely  connected  with  this  famous  ac 
quisition.  The  Missouri  compromise,  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas,  the  Northwestern  boundary 
disputes,  the  acquisition  of  California  and  of 
the  northern  provinces  of  Mexico,  the  discovery 
of  gold  and  silver,  the  Nebraska  bill,  the  Mor- 
.mon  difficulty,  the  Indian  policy,  the  Alaska 
purchase,  the  Pacific  railroads,  the  isthmus  canal 
question,  the  Chinese  immigration,  —  who  can 
say  that  any  one  of  these  controversies  and 
events  would  ever  have  come  to  the  front  if 
Spain,  or  France,  or  Great  Britain  had  re 
mained  in  control  of  that  half  of  our  domain 
which  lies  beyond  the  Mississippi  ? 

Among  the  concurrent  circumstances  there  is 
none  so  extraordinary  to  us  who  are  accus 
tomed  to  constitutional  limitations,  as  the  arbi 
trary  power  then  held  in  France  by  one  who 
was  still  a  young  man,  and  who,  a  few  years 
previous  (at  the  beginning,  let  us  say,  of  Mon 
roe's  first  mission),  was  comparatively  unknown, 
and  without  the  slightest  prescience  of  his  com 
ing  authority.  The  memoirs  of  Marbois,  Liv 
ingston,  and  Monroe,  and  the  correspondence 
of  Napoleon,  do  not  give  any  indication  that 
the  First  Consul,  in  this  far-reaching  exercise  of 
his  authority,  was  guided  by  the  opinion  of  a 
cabinet  or  council,  or  restricted  by  any  funda 
mental  law.  He  speaks  to  Marbois  in  the  sin- 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  93 

guiar  number,  like  the  owner  of  a  house  or 
farm,  as  if  he  were,  indeed,  the  personification 
of  France.  He  does,  it  is  true,  consult  two  min 
isters  of  state,  but  he  turns  abruptly  away  from 
the  advice  of  one  of  them,  and  to  the  other  he 
gives  directions  as  positive  and  arbitrary  as  if 
he  were  directing  a  broker  to  sell  a  cargo.  The 
mighty  deeds  of  Napoleon's  sword  have  been 
undone,  but  the  stroke  of  his  pen  wrought  a 
change  which  now,  after  fourscore  years  have 
passed,  is  no  more  liable  to  counterclmnge  than 
the  Mississippi  is  to  flow  into  the  lakes. 

Soon  after  Monroe's  arrival  in  England  he 
received  from  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
the  plan  of  a  convention  to  be  proposed  to  the 
British  government,  with  particular  reference 
to  our  maritime  rights.  We  had  suffered  so 
much  from  impressment  of  seamen,  blockade, 
and  the  search  of  our  vessels,  that  it  was  quite 
time  to  insist  on  the  national  claims.  Early  in 
April,  1804,  the  subject  was  brought  to  the  at 
tention  of  Lord  Hawkesbury ;  but  before  any 
response  was  received  Addington  had  yielded 
the  leadership  to  Pitt,  and  Lord  Harrowby  had 
taken  the  foreign  office.  He  received  Monroe 
in  a  manner  which  was  fitted  to  wound  and 
irritate ;  not  a  friendly  sentiment  toward  the 
United  States  escaped  him  ;  and  the  American 


94  JAMES  MONROE. 

minister  considered  these  concerns  as  postponed 
indefinitely.  Before  autumn  the  Foreign  Minis 
ter  grew  more  conciliatory,  but  no  conclusions 
were  reached  at  the  beginning  of  October,  when, 
by  mutual  consent,  the  negotiations  were  post 
poned,  and  Monroe  left  London  on  an  absence 
of  several  months. 

Looking  forward  to  a  release  from  the  pub 
lic  service,  Monroe  wrote  to  Judge  Jones  from 
London  (May  16,  1804),  saying  that  he  should 
gather  a  collection  of  law  books  and  bring  them 
home  with  a  view  to  continuing  the  practice  of 
the  law.  He  hoped  that  thus,  with  the  aid  of  a 
farm,  he  might  gain  enough  to  support  a  family 
without  the  aid  of  other  resources.  He  indicated 
his  strong  preference  for  Richmond  and  directed 
the  sale  of  his  land  above  Charlottesville,  as  it 
brought  no  income.  He  said  he  could  live  better 
on  $2,000  per  year  in  Richmond  than  on  £2,000 
in  London.  He  had  thought  seriously  of  accept 
ing  the  appointment  in  Louisiana  which  Madison 
was  willing  to  give  him,  though  the  administra 
tion  seemed  to  prefer  that  he  should  remain  in 
London.  Jefferson  intimated  that  he  might  be 
sent  to  Spain.  The  whole  tenor  of  the  letter  is 
that  of  one  who  is  longing  for  repose  at  home, 
suffering  from  fatigue  and  poor  health  abroad, 
and  in  want  of  sufficient  means  to  maintain 
agreeably  his  diplomatic  station.1 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  95 

It  will  be  remembered  that  he  went  from 
the  United  States  commissioned  to  Spain  as 
well  as  France,  but  did  not  continue  his  jour 
ney  to  Madrid.  In  the  autumn  of  1804  he 
resumed  the  proposed  negotiation  with  Spain, 
and,  as  he  went  through  Paris,  solicited  from 
Talleyrand  the  French  support  in  his  endeavor 
to  secure  from  the  Spaniards  the  cession  of  their 
possessions  to  the  east  of  the  mouths  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  exact  eastern  boundary  of 
the  Louisiana  territory  already  acquired  by  the 
United  States  was  undetermined,  and  Florida 
was  wanted.  Months  previous  Napoleon  had 
pledged  his  good  offices  in  the  promotion  of 
the  plans  of  the  United  States,  but  when  they 
were  now  solicited  he  failed  to  make  the  ex 
pected  response,  although  cautiously  warned  that 
there  was  danger  of  an  immediate  rupture  be 
tween  Spain  and  the  United  States,  which 
would,  indirectly  at  least,  be  harmful  to  France. 
Monroe  and  Pinckney  accordingly  prosecuted 
their  mission  as  best  they  could  without  the 
French  cooperation.  From  January  to  May 
they  were  in  constant  negotiation  with  the 
Spanish  minister,  Don  Pedro  Cevallos,  —  but 
it  all  resulted  in  nothing  and  Monroe  returned 
to  his  residence  in  London. 

Lord  Mulgrave  was  now  in  the  foreign  office. 
New  seizures  of  American  vessels  by  the  British 


96  JAMES  MONROE 

gave  renewed  emphasis  to  the  American  com 
plaints,  which  were  met  with  dilatory  and  pro 
voking  responses.  The  death  of  Pitt  brought 
about  another  change  of  ministry  early  in  1806, 
and  the  whole  story  of  our  demands  was  pre 
sented  to  the  more  friendly  consideration  of  Fox, 
who  promised  to  give  his  immediate  attention 
to  the  business  and  pursue  it  without  delay  until 
it  was  concluded.  But  he  again  encountered 
obstacles  among  his  colleagues.  Meanwhile,  as 
Monroe  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  other  minis 
ters,  Wm.  Pinkney  was  sent  to  reinforce  Mon 
roe.  He  had  previously  been  resident  in  London 
for  a  long  time,  and  had  pressed  to  a  success 
ful  issue  the  claims  of  the  State  of  Maryland 
to  some  stock  in  the  Bank  of  England.  He 
had  held  the  office  of  commissioner  under  the 
treaty  of  1794.  The  joint  commission  of  the 
two  envoys  was  dated  May  17,  1806,  and  cov 
ered  a  larger  field  of  negotiation  and  conven 
tion  than  that  which  had  been  intrusted  to 
Monroe  alone.  Their  early  communications  to 
Madison  contained  the  same  old  story  of  delay. 
Fox  was  now  ill  beyond  the  hope  of  recov 
ery,  and  the  good  offices  of  his  nephew,  Lord 
Holland,  were  solicited  to  secure  an  official  rec 
ognition  from  the  King.  Lord  Grenville  now 
assumed  the  direction  of  affairs,  and  he  soon 
informed  the  Americans  that  Lord  Auckland 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  97 

and  Lord  Holland  were  appointed  as  a  special 
commission  to  discuss  all  matters  pending  be 
tween  the  two  governments.  Toward  the  end 
of  August,  1806,  serious  negotiations  began  in 
Downing  Street,  and  as  the  last  day  of  the 
year  was  reached,  these  wearisome  and  complex 
deliberations  were  concluded  by  a  treaty.  This 
was  forwarded  to  Washington  at  once  by  the 
hand  of  Mr.  Purviance,  but  it  did  not  reach 
Mr.  Jefferson  until  March  15.  Twelve  days  be 
fore,  on  March  3,  just  before  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  the  President  saw  a  copy  of  the 
treaty  which  Mr.  Erskine,  the  British  minister, 
had  received.1 

Long  as  the  negotiations  had  been,  and  vo 
luminous  as  were  the  results,  the  treaty  failed  in 
two  fundamental  points.  It  made  no  provision 
against  the  impressment  of  our  seamen  ;  and  it 
secured  no  indemnity  for  losses  which  Ameri 
cans  had  incurred  in  the  seizure  of  their  goods 
and  vessels.  Jefferson  "  pigeon-holed  "  it.  He 
took  the  responsibility,  without  summoning  the 
Senate,  to  withhold  his  ratification.  When  it 
became  evident  that  this  would  be  the  result, 
the  Secretary  of  State  wrote  to  the  commis 
sioners  that  the  President  thought  it  better,  if 
no  satisfactory  or  formal  stipulation  on  the  sub 
ject  of  impressment  were  attainable,  that  the 

1  J.  Q.  Adams's  Diary,  I  466. 

7 


98  JAMES  MONROE. 

negotiation  should  terminate  without  any  for 
mal  compact  whatever.  A  fresh  draft  of  the 
American  expectations  was  then  drawn  up, 
upon  which  the  two  envoys  might  renew  their 
negotiations. 

In  his  memoirs  of  the  Whig  party  Lord 
Holland  has  given  a  graphic  picture  of  the 
American  commissioners,  and  of  the  attitude  of 
the  English  government,  which  may  here  be 
quoted : — 

"  Without  notice  or  explanation,  an  order  for  de 
taining  all  neutrals  engaged  in  such  a  commerce  was 
suddenly  issued ;  and  a  prodigious  number  of  Ameri 
cans  were  brought  into  our  ports  by  his  majesty's 
cruisers  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1805.  The 
principle  of  these  seizures  was  not  likely  to  be  very 
readily  admitted  by  any  independent  power  whose 
subjects  had  suffered  by  the  application  of  it.  The 
sudden  and  peremptory  manner  of  enforcing  it  was 
yet  more  offensive,  and  aggravated  that  hostile  feel 
ing  which  long  mismanagement  on  our  part,  and  some 
folly  on  theirs,  had  created  in  the  leading  party  in 
North  America.  Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr.  Pinkney 
were  instructed  to  insist  on  an  explanation  upon  this 
important  point,  on  some  regulation  of  the  impress 
ment  of  British  seamen  found  in  American  merchant 
vessels,  on  the  right  and  practice  of  searching  for 
them  at  sea,  and  on  many  other  inferior  but  difficult 
subjects.  When,  however,  the  death  of  Mr.  Pitt 
was  known,  the  spirit,  though  not  the  substance,  of 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  99 

their  instructions  was  softened,  and  the  mission  was 
authorized  to  assume  a  more  conciliatory  tone  than 
their  original  instructions  seemed  to  breathe.  The 
two  gentlemen  were  empowered  to  negotiate  and 
conclude  a  treaty  of  commerce  which  should  regulate 
all  disputed  points,  and  place  the  two  countries  per 
manently  on  a  more  amicable  footing.  We  found 
the  two  American  commissioners  fair,  explicit,  frank, 
and  intelligent.  Mr.  Monroe  (afterwards  president) 
was  a  sincere  Republican,  who  during  the  Revolution 
in  France  had  imbibed  a  strong  predilection  for  that 
country,  and  no  slight  aversion  to  this.  But  he  had 
candor  and  principle.  A  nearer  view  of  the  consu 
lar  and  imperial  government  of  France,  and  of  our 
Constitution  in  England,  converted  him  from  both 
these  opinions.  *  I  find,'  said  he  to  me,  '  your 
monarchy  more  republican  than  monarchical,  and 
the  French  republic  infinitely  more  monarchical  than 
your  monarchy.'  He  was  plain  in  his  manners  and 
somewhat  slow  in  his  apprehension  ;  but  he  was  a 
diligent,  earnest,  sensible,  and  even  profound  man. 
His  colleague,  who  had  been  partly  educated  in  Eng 
land  and  was  a  lawyer  by  profession,  had  more  of  the 
forms  and  readiness  of  business,  and  greater  knowl 
edge  and  cultivation  of  mind ;  but  perhaps  his  opin 
ions  were  neither  so  firmly  rooted  nor  so  deeply  con 
sidered  as  those  of  Mr.  Monroe.  Throughout  our 
negotiation  they  were  conciliatory,  both  in  form  and 
in  substance.  They  exceeded  their  instructions  by 
signing  a  treaty  which  left  the  article  of  impressment 
unsettled.  My  colleague  and  I  took  credit  to  ourselves 


100  JAMES  MONROE. 

for  having  convinced  them  of  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  the  subject,  arising  from  the  impossibility  of  our 
allowing  seamen  to  withdraw  themselves  from  our 
service  during  war,  and  from  the  inefficacy  of  all  the 
regulations  which  they  had  been  enabled  to  propose 
for  preventing  their  entering  into  American  ships. 
They,  on  the  other  hand,  persuaded  us  that  they  were 
themselves  sincere  in  wishing  to  prevent  it ;  and  we 
saw  no  reason  for  suspecting  that  the  government  of 
the  United  States  was  less  so.  But  though  they  pro 
fessed,  and  I  believe  felt,  a  strong  wish  to  enforce 
such  a  provision,  they  did  not  convince  us  that  they 
had  the  power  or  means  of  enforcing  it.  There 
was,  consequently,  no  article  in  the  treaty  upon  the 
subject.  Upon  this  omission  and  upon  other  more 
frivolous  pretexts,  but  with  the  real  purpose  and 
effect  of  defeating  Mr.  Monroe's  views  on  the  pres 
identship,  Mr.  Jefferson  refused  to  ratify  a  treaty 
which  would  have  secured  his  countrymen  from  all 
further  vexations,  and  prevented  a  war  between  two 
nations,  whose  habits,  language,  and  interests  should 
unite  them  in  perpetual  alliance  and  good-fellowship. 
"  I  had  an  opportunity  during  this  negotiation  of 
observing  the  influence  of  situation  over  men's  opin 
ions.  The  atmosphere  of  the  Admiralty  made  those 
who  breathed  it  shudder  at  anything  like  concessions 
to  the  Americans  ;  while  the  anxiety  to  avoid  war 
and  to  enlarge  our  resources  by  commerce,  so  natu 
ral  in  the  Treasury,  softened  natures  otherwise  less 
yielding,  and  led  them  to  listen  with  favor  to  every 
conciliatory  expedient." 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  101 

Events  were  driving  the  two  nations  into  a 
collision  which  might  have  been  averted  by  di 
plomacy,  but  which  soon  developed  into  war. 
On  July  24  the  American  commissioners,  in  ac 
cordance  with  their  instructions,  had  reopened 
a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Canning,  now  for 
eign  secretary  in  the  Portland  ministry,  and  on 
the  very  next  day  intelligence  was  received  in 
London  that  the  British  ship  Leopard,  assert 
ing  the  right  to  search  for  deserters,  had  at 
tacked  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake,  off 
the  Chesapeake  capes.1  Of  course  this  brought 
still  more  delay.  After  the  settlement  of  this 
aggression  had  been  transferred  from  London 
to  Washington,  the  treaty  was  again  brought 
up  for  reconsideration  by  the  British  minister 
in  October.  Before  much  progress  could  be 
made,  the  famous  "orders  in  council,"  full  of 
menace  to  American  commerce,  were  passed, 
and  remonstrances  against  them  were  presented 
by  Pinkney,  who  now  assumed  the  entire  re 
sponsibility  of  the  legation. 

Monroe  returned  to  America  near  the  close 
of  1807,  and  soon  drew  up  an  elaborate  defence 
of  his  diplomatic  conduct  in  England  in  a  let 
ter  to  Madison,  which  covers  ten  folio  pages  of 
the  State  Papers.2  The  enthusiasm  with  which 
he  might  have  been  received  immediately  after 
i  June  23,  1807.  a  February  28, 1808. 


102  JAMES  MONROE. 

the  Louisiana  purchase  was  dampened  by  his 
failure  in  the  English  negotiations.  Politicians 
were  already  discussing  the  presidential  suc 
cession,  the  Republican  party  being  divided  in 
their  preferences  for  Madison  and  Monroe.  Jef 
ferson  endeavored  to  remain  neutral ;  Wirt  was 
in  favor  of  Madison  ;  at  length  the  legislature 
of  Virginia  settled  the  choice  by  pronouncing 
in  favor  of  the  latter.  Monroe's  friends  acqui 
esced.  Soon  afterwards  Madison  was  placed  in 
the  chair  of  the  president,  and  Monroe,  after  a 
brief  interval,  was  reflected  to  the  post  of  gov 
ernor.  It  was  a  mark  of  the  confidence  of 
those  who  knew  him  best  that  thus  a  second 
time,  on  his  return  from  a  foreign  land,  more 
or  less  disappointed,  if  not  under  a  cloud,  he 
should  be  called  to  the  highest  office  in  the  gift 
of  the  people  of  the  State. 

I  cannot  discover  that  the  failure  of  Monroe 
to  accomplish  the  purpose  of  his  mission  to 
Spain  and  England  indicates  any  want  of  in 
telligence,  assiduity,  or  fidelity  on  his  part.  Al 
though  there  is  a  curious  gap  in  the  published 
papers  just  before  his  departure  for  England, 
I  do  not  see  any  evidence  that  the  administra 
tion  lost  their  confidence  in  him.  He  failed  be 
cause  the  times  were  not  propitious  for  success. 
Spain  was  not  ready  to  give  up  the  Floridas. 
England  was  determined  not  to  yield  the  right 


ENVOY  IN  ENGLAND.  103 

of  search  ;  not  even  after  a  disastrous  war  would 
she  acknowledge  the  wrongs  against  which  the 
United  States  protested.  During  Monroe's 
short  mission  to  London  he  was  obliged  to  be 
absent  from  that  city  several  months,  and  he 
was  actually  brought  into  negotiations  with  six 
successive  foreign  secretaries,  besides  the  two 
special  commissioners  ;  and  these  secretaries 
were  involved  in  the  perplexities  which  arose 
from  prolonged  hostilities  with  a  most  vigorous 
foe.  The  delays  which  were  thus  occasioned 
may  have  been  inevitable,  but  they  were  very- 
costly.  War  followed  in  their  train. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SECRETARY   OF   STATE  AND   OF   WAR. 

MADISON  became  President  in  1809.  Mon 
roe,  who  had  been  a  rival  aspirant  for  the  office, 
was  called  to  the  post  of  secretary  of  state  in 
1811,  as  the  successor  of  Robert  Smith  of  Mary 
land.  His  associates  in  the  cabinet  at  that  time 
were  Gallatin,  Eustis,  Paul  Hamilton,  and,  a  lit 
tle  later,  William  Pinkney.  The  war  which  for 
several  years  had  seemed  inevitable  was  now 
imminent.  Congress  indicated  a  desire  for  posi 
tive  measures,  and  although  the  President  still 
favored  peace,  bills  were  passed  for  augmenting 
the  army  and  navy,  for  enlisting  volunteers, 
and  for  organizing  the  militia.  The  adminis 
tration  was  floated  onward  by  the  current  of 
public  opinion.  The  British  "  orders  in  coun 
cil  "  were  the  immediate  occasion  of  this  spirit 
of  resistance,  but  the  troubles  had  begun  long 
before.  After  hearing  Mr.  Perceval's  public 
declaration  in  February,  1812,  that  England 
could  not  listen  to  the  pretensions  of  neutral 
nations,  the  American  minister  in  London,  Mr. 
Russell,  wrote  home  that  war  could  not  honor- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  OF  WAR.   105 

ably  be  avoided.  This  expectation  soon  became 
a  fact,  and  war  was  declared  on  June  18,  1812. 
It  was  a  curious  coincidence  that  the  act  of  dec 
laration  was  drawn  by  William  Pinkney,  and 
communicated  to  England  by  James  Monroe, 
the  two  commissioners  in  London  whose  efforts 
to  maintain  peace  by  a  reasonable  treaty  had 
been  unsuccessful  a  few  years  before. 

Then  followed  a  long  period  of  tumult,  dis 
aster,  and  victory,  the  story  of  which  has  been 
so  often  told  that  it  will  here  be  referred  to 
only  in  illustration  of  the  life  of  Monroe. 
Even  this  part  of  his  history  is  so  well  known 
that  I  cannot  shed  any  new  light  upon  it.  As 
Secretary  of  State  his  duties  were  not  at  the  be 
ginning  more  complex  than  the  ordinary,  but  he 
was  afterwards  charged  with  the  additional  re 
sponsibilities  of  the  War  Department,  and  thus 
his  position  became  doubly  powerful  and  diffi 
cult.  Monroe  —  who  was  commonly  designated 
by  his  military  title,  and  who  had  the  renown  of 
brave  service  in  the  Revolution  —  seriously  de 
liberated  whether  he  should  take  the  field  in 
person,  as  a  volunteer,  if  not  to  command ;  but 
he  restrained  his  military  ardor. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1811 
the  Secretary  of  State  was  engaged  in  a  brisk 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Foster,  the  British 
minister  in  Washington.  His  most  extended 


106  JAMES  MONROE. 

dispatch  was  that  of  July  23,  in  which  he  vig 
orously  defends  the  rights  of  neutrals.  His 
concluding  sentences  have  an  eloquent  ring. 
"  It  is  the  interest  of  belligerents,"  he  argues, 
"  to  mitigate  the  calamities  of  war,  and  neutral 
powers  possess  ample  means  to  promote  that 
object,  provided  they  sustain,  with  impartiality 
and  firmness,  the  dignity  of  their  station.  If 
belligerents  expect  advantage  from  neutrals, 
they  should  leave  them  in  the  full  enjoyment 
of  their  rights.  The  present  war  has  been  op 
pressive  beyond  example  by  its  duration,  and 
by  the  desolation  it  has  spread  throughout 
Europe.  It  is  highly  important  that  it  should 
assume  at  least  a  milder  character.  By  the 
revocation  of  the  French  edicts,  so  far  as  they 
respected  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  some  advance  is  made  towards  that 
most  desirable  and  consoling  result.  Let  Great 
Britain  follow  the  example.  The  ground  thus 
gained  will  soon  be  enlarged  by  the  concurring 
and  pressing  interests  of  all  parties  ;  and  what 
ever  is  gained  will  accrue  to  the  advantage  of 
afflicted  humanity."  a  Six  months  later  (Janu 
ary  14,  1812)  he  writes  again  to  Mr.  Foster, 
complaining  that  in  the  conduct  of  the  British 
government  it  is  impossible  to  see  anything 
short  of  a  determined  hostility  to  the  rights 
and  interests  of  the  United  States. 

1  Slate  Papers,  iii. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND    OF   WAR.      107 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  with 
France  also  required  careful  attention  from  the 
Secretary,  though  they  were  less  critical  than 
those  with  England.  Barlow  was  commissioned 
as  minister  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  and 
the  Secretary,  July  26,.  1811,  gave  him  ex 
tended  instructions  with  reference  to  the  claims 
of  the  United  States.  France,  he  assumes,  has 
changed  her  policy  towards  the  United  States, 
as  the  revocation  of  her  decrees  indicates,  but 
much  is  yet  to  be  done  by  her  to  satisfy  Amer 
ican  claims.  "If  she  wishes  to  profit  of  neutral 
commerce  she  must  become  the  advocate  of 
neutral  rights,  as  well  by  her  practice  as  by  her 
theory."  Such  was  the  message  sent  to  the 
Emperor,  and  it  had  some  influence  upon  his 
subsequent  action.  A  treaty  of  commerce  was 
proposed ;  but  as  delay  was  expected  in  ne 
gotiating  it,  Barlow  endeavored  to  secure  an 
official  memorandum  of  the  agreement  of  the 
two  Powers,  but  was  obliged  to  be  content  with 
general  assurances  from  the  Emperor,  that  the 
principles  contended  for  were  adopted  and  would 
be  put  in  operation.1 

The  inauspicious  opening  of  the  war  is  a  fa 
miliar  story.  Much  of  the  blame  for  the  disas 
ters  which  occurred  was  thrown  upon  the  Sec 
retary  of  War,  Dr.  Eustis,  a  surgeon  in  the 
1  State  Papers,  iii.  516. 


108  JAMES  MONROE. 

Revolutionary  army,  who  at  length  gave  way. 
Monroe  acted  ad  interim  until  the  appointment 
of  General  John  Armstrong,  who  had  held  the 
rank  of  major  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  and 
had  since  then  been  called  to  many  conspicuous 
public  stations,  among  them  that  of  minister  to 
France.  The  war  did  not  go  much  better  after 
the  change  in  the  secretary's  office.  Monroe 
looked  with  great  suspicion  on  his  colleague's 
conduct  of  affairs,  and  at  length  addressed  the 
President  as  follows,  after  a  short  conversation 
the  evening  previous  : l  — 

JAMES    MONROE    TO   PRESIDENT   MADISON. 

July  25,  1813. 

You  intimated  that  you  had  understood  that  Gen 
eral  Armstrong  intended  to  repair  to  the  northern 
frontiers  and  to  direct  the  operations  of  the  cam 
paign  ;  and  it  was  afterwards  suggested  to  me  that 
he  would,  as  Secretary  at  War,  perform  the  duties  of 
lieutenant-general.  It  merits  consideration  how  far 
the  exercise  of  such  a  power  is  strictly  constitutional 
and  correct  in  itself ;  and  secondly,  how  far  it  may 
affect  the  character  of  your  administration  and  of 
those  acting  in  it ;  and  thirdly,  whether  it  is  not 
otherwise  liable  to  objection  on  the  ground  of  pol 
icy.  I  shall  be  able  to  present  to  your  consideration 
a  few  hints  only  on  each  of  these  propositions.  The 
departments  of  the  government,  being  recognized  by 
i  Monroe  MSS. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND   OF   WAR.      109 

the  Constitution,  have  appropriate  duties  under  it  as 
organs  of  the  executive  will ;  they  contain  records  of 
its  transactions,  and  are  in  that  sense  checks  on  the 
Executive.  If  the  Secretary  of  War  leaves  the  seat 
of  government  (the  chief  magistrate  remaining  there) 
and  performs  the  duties  of  a  general,  the  powers  of 
the  chief  magistrate,  of  the  Secretary  at  War,  and 
general  are  all  united  in  the  latter.  There  ceases  to 
be  a  check  on  executive  power  as  to  military  opera 
tions  ;  indeed,  the  executive  power  as  known  to  the 
Constitution  is  destroyed;  the  whole  is  transferred 
from  the  Executive  to  the  general  at  the  head  of  the 
army.  It  is  completely  absorbed  in  hands  where  it  is 
most  dangerous. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  President  is  commander-m- 
chief ;  that  the  Secretary  at  War  is  his  organ  as  to 
military  operations,  and  that  he  may  allow  him  to  go 
to  the  army,  as  being  well  informed  in  military  affairs, 
and  act  for  himself.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
President,  unless  he  takes  the  command  of  the  army 
in  person,  acts,  in  directing  its  movements,  more  as  the 
executive  power  than  as  commander-in-chief.  What 
would  become  of  the  Secretary  at  War  if  the  Presi 
dent  took  command  of  the  army,  I  do  not  know.  I 
rather  suppose,  however,  that  although  some  of  his 
powers  would  be  transferred  to  the  military  staff 
about  the  President,  he  would,  nevertheless,  retain 
his  appropriate  constitutional  character  in  all  other 
respects.  The  Adjutant-General  would  become  the 
organ  of  the  Executive  as  to  military  operations,  but 
the  Secretary  of  War  would  be  that  for  every  other 


110  JAMES  MONROE. 

measure,  indeed  for  all  except  movements  in  the 
field.  The  Department  at  War  would  therefore  still 
form  some  check  on  the  Executive  at  the  head  of  the 
army,  but  there  would  be  none  on  the  Secretary, 
when  he  was  general. 

On  the  second  head,  the  effect  it  might  have  on 
the  credit  of  your  administration,  there  can  be  little 
doubt.  If  there  is  cause  to  suspect  the  measure  on 
constitutional  grounds,  that  circumstance  alone  would 
wound  its  credit  deeply.  But  a  total  yielding  of  the 
power,  as  would  be  inferred,  and  might  and  proba 
bly  would  be  assumed  (for  any  act  which  would  be 
performed  or  order  given  without  the  sanction  of 
the  chief  magistrate  would,  in  a  degree,  operate  in 
that  way) ,  would  affect  it  in  another  sense  not  less  in 
juriously.  It  is  impossible  for  the  Secretary  at  War 
to  go  to  the  frontier,  and  perform  the  offices  con 
templated,  without  exercising  all  those  of  the  mili 
tary  commander,  especially.  He  would  carry  with 
him,  of  course,  those  of  the  War  Department,  for  by 
the  powers  of  that  department  would  he  act  as 
general,  and  control  all  military  and  other  opera 
tions,  and  being  forced  to  act  by  circumstances  and 
take  his  measures  by  the  day,  he  could  have  no 
order  or  sanction  from  the  chief  magistrate.  This 
would  be  seen  by  the  public  and  imperil  greatly  the 
credit  of  the  administration.  If  General  Armstrong 
is  the  person  most  fit  to  command  the  armies  let  him 
be  appointed  such  ;  there  will  then  be  a  check  on 
him  in  the  chief  magistrate  and  in  the  War  Depart 
ment.  Does  he  possess  in  a  prominent  degree  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  OF  WAR.   Ill 

public  confidence  for  that  trust?  Do  we  not  know 
the  fact  to  be  otherwise,  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
he  was  appointed  a  brigadier-general,  and  still  greater 
difficulty  that  he  was  appointed  Secretary  at  War  ? 

On  the  ground  of  policy  I  have  already  made  some 
remarks  ;  but  there  are  other  objections  to  it  on  that 
ground.  If  he  withdraws  from  the  seat  of  govern 
ment,  and  takes  his  station  with  the  northern  troops, 
what  will  become  of  every  other  army,  —  that  under 
Harrison,  Pinckney,  and  Wilkinson,  and  of  those 
stationed  in  other  quarters,  especially  along  the  coast? 
Who  will  direct  the  general  movement,  supervise 
their  supplies,  etc.  ? 

I  cannot  close  these  remarks  without  adding  some 
thing  in  relation  to  myself.  Stimulated  by  a  deep 
sense  of  the  misfortunes  of  our  country,  as  well  as 
its  disgrace  by  the  surrender  of  Hull,  the  misconduct 
of  Van  Rensselaer  and  Smyth,  and  by  the  total  want 
of  character  in  the  northern  campaign,  and  dreading 
its  effects  on  your  administration,  on  the  Republican 
party  and  cause,  I  have  repeatedly  offered  my  service 
in  a  military  station,  not  that  I  wished  to  take  it  by 
preference  to  my  present  one,  which  to  all  others  I 
prefer,  but  from  a  dread  of  the  consequences  above- 
mentioned. 

I  was  willing  to  take  the  Department  of  War  per 
manently,  if,  in  leaving  my  present  station,  it  was 
thought  I  might  be  more  useful  there  than  in  a  mili 
tary  command.  I  thought  otherwise.  What  passed 
on  this  subject  proves  that  I  considered  the  Depart 
ment  of  War  as  a  very  different  trust  from  that  of  the 
military  commander. 


112  JAMES  MONROE. 

You  appeared  to  think  I  might  be  more  useful 
with  the  army,  as  did  Mr.  Gallatin,  with  whom  I  con 
ferred  on  the  subject.  I  was  convinced  that  the  du 
ties  of  Secretary  of  War  and  military  commander 
were  not  only  incompatible  under  our  government, 
but  that  they  could  not  be  exercised  by  the  same 
person.  I  was  equally  satisfied  that  the  Secretary  at 
War  could  not  perform,  in  his  character  as  secretary, 
the  duties  of  general  of  the  army.  The  movement 
of  the  army  must  be  regulated  daily  by  events  which 
occur  daily,  and  the  movement  of  all  its  parts,  to  be 
combined  and  simultaneous,  must  be  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  general  in  the  field,  not  of  the  War 
Department.  That  this  is  the  opinion  of  General 
Armstrong  also,  is  evident  from  his  disposition  to  join 
the  army.  He  knows  that  here  he  cannot  direct  the 
movements  of  the  armies.  He  knows  also  that  ho 
could  not  be  appointed  the  lieutenant-general,  and 
that  it  is  only  in  his  present  character  as  Secretary 
at  War  that  he  can  expect  to  exercise  his  functions 
of  general. 

As  soon  as  General  Armstrong  took  charge  of  the 
Department  at  War  I  thought  I  saw  his  plan,  that  is, 
after  he  had  held  it  a  few  days.  I  saw  distinctly 
that  he  intended  to  have  no  grade  in  the  army  which 
should  be  competent  to  a  general  control  of  military 
operations  ;  that  he  meant  to  keep  the  whole  in  his 
own  hands  ;  that  each  operation  should  be  distinct 
and  separate,  with  distinct  and  separate  objects,  and, 
of  course,  to  be  directed  by  himself,  not  simply  in 
the  outline  but  detail.  I  anticipated  mischief  from 
this,  because  I  knew  that  the  movement  could  not  be 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND   OF   WAR.      113 

directed  from  this  place  ;  I  did  not  then  anticipate  the 
remedy  which  he  had  in  view. 

I  was  animated  by  much  zeal  (in  offering  my  ser 
vices  in  a  military  station)  in  favor  of  your  adminis 
tration  and  the  cause  of  free  government,  which  I 
have  long  considered  intimately  connected  together. 
I  flattered  myself  that  by  my  long  services,  and 
what  the  country  knew  of  me,  that  I  should  give 
some  impulse  to  the  recruiting  business,  and  other 
wise  aid  the  cause.  The  misfortunes  and  dangers 
attending  the  cause  produced  so  much  excitement 
that  my  zeal  may  have  exposed  me  to  the  appear 
ance  of  repulse  and  disappointment  in  the  course 
things  have  taken.  But,  as  I  well  know  that  you 
have  justly  appreciated  my  motives,  and  that  the 
public  cannot  fail  to  do  it,  should  any  imputation  of 
the  kind  alluded  to  be  made,  these  are  considerations 
which  have  no  effect  on  my  mind. 

Having  seen  into  these  things,  from  my  little 
knowledge  of  military  affairs  and  the  management 
of  the  War  Department  for  some  weeks  (which  gave 
me  a  knowledge  of  the  state  of  things  there),  and 
foreseeing  some  danger  to  your  administration  as 
well  as  to  the  public  interest,  from  the  causes  above 
'stated,  I  have  felt  it  a  duty  which  I  owe  to  you,  as 
well  as  to  the  public,  to  communicate  to  you  my  senti 
ments  on  them.  I  have  written  them  in  much  truth 
and  without  reserve.  You  will,  I  am  satisfied,  bestow 
on  them  the  consideration  which  they  deserve. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  sincerely  and  respectfully  your  friend, 

JAMES  MONROE. 
8 


114  JAMES  MONROE. 

I  will  add  that  I  cease  to  have  any  desire  of  a  mil 
itary  station,  having  never  wished  one  with  a  view  to 
myself,  and  always  under  a  conviction  that  I  should 
incur  risks  and  make  sacrifices  by  it ;  it  is  in  conse 
quence  of  feeling  it  strongly  my  duty  that  I  entirely 
relinquish  the  idea.  These  hints  are  intended  to 
bring  to  your  consideration  the  other  circumstances 
to  which  they  allude. 

Six  months  later  he  sent  to  the  President  the 
following  remonstrance  against  Armstrong's 
plan  of  a  conscription,  with  an  urgent  plea  for 
his  removal :  — 

WASHINGTON,  December  27,  1813. 

The  following  communication  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  is  the  cause  of  this  letter. 

Just  before  I  left  the  office  he  came  into  it  and 
informed  me  that  General  Armstrong  had  adopted 
the  idea  of  a  conscription,  and  was  engaged  in  com 
munications  with  members  of  Congress,  in  which  he 
endeavored  to  reconcile  them  to  it,  stating  that  the 
militia  could  not  be  relied  on,  and  regular  troops 
could  not  be  enlisted.  Mr.  Jones  was  fearful,  should 
such  an  idea  get  into  circulation,  that  it  would  go  far, 
with  other  circumstances,  to  ruin  the  administration. 
He  told  me  that  he  had  his  information  from  General 
Jacock,  and  he  authorized  me  to  communicate  it  to 
you. 

I  suspect  that  many  other  members  have  already 
been  sounded  on  it,  as  Mr.  Roberts  remarked  to  me 
yesterday  that  General  Armstrong  had  returned  and 
had  many  projects  prepared  for  them. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  OF   WAR.      115 

Other  circumstances  which  have  .come  to  my 
knowledge  ought  to  be  known  to  you.  Mr.  Dawson 
called  on  me  yesterday  week  and  informed  me  that 
Mr.  Fisk  of  New  York  intended  to  move  on  the  next 
day  a  resolution  calling  on  you  to  state  by  what 
authority  General  Armstrong  had  commanded  the 
northern  army  during  the  late  campaign  ;  who  had 
discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  in  his  absence ; 
and  for  other  information  relating  particularly  to  his 
issuing  communications  and  exercising  all  the  duties 
of  Secretary  of  War  on  the  frontiers.  I  satisfied 
Mr.  Dawson  that  an  attack  on  the  Secretary  on  those 
grounds  would  be  an  attack  on  you,  and  that  we  must 
all  support  him  against  it,  to  support  you.  He  assured 
me  that  he  should  represent  it  in  that  light  to  Mr. 
Fisk  and  endeavor  to  prevail  on  him  to  decline  the 
measure.  I  presume  he  did  so. 

General  M.,  whom  I  have  seen,  informed  me  that 
this  gentleman  was  engaged  in  the  seduction  of  the 
officers  of  the  army,  particularly  the  young  men  of 
talents,  promising  to  one  the  rank  of  brigadier,  to 
another  that  of  major-general,  as  he  presumed  with 
out  your  knowledge  ;  teaching  them  to  look  to  him, 
and  not  you,  for  preferment,  and  exciting  their  re 
sentment  against  you  if  it  did  not  take  effect.  He 
says  that  the  most  corrupting  system  is  carried  on 
throughout  the  State  of  New  York,  by  placing  in 
office,  particularly  in  the  quartermaster's  depart 
ment,  his  tools  and  the  sons  of  influential  men  under 
them  as  clerks,  etc.  I  did  not  go  into  detail.  Other 
remarks  of  his  I  will  take  another  opportunity  of 


116  JAMES  MONROE. 

communicating  to  you.  It  is  painful  to  me  to  make 
this  communication  to  you,  nor  should  I  do  it  if  I 
did  not  most  conscientiously  believe  that  this  man, 
if  continued  in  office,  will  ruin  not  you  and  the  ad 
ministration  only,  but  the  whole  Republican  party 
and  cause.  He  has  already  gone  far  to  do  it,  and 
it  is  my  opinion,  if  he  is  not  promptly  removed,  he 
will  soon  accomplish  it. 

The  letter  continues  in  confidential  terms  to 
exhibit  the  writer's  estimate  of  Armstrong. 

Armstrong  retained  his  portfolio,  notwith 
standing  this  remonstrance  from  his  colleague. 
The  battle  of  Bladensburg,  however,  effected  a 
change  which  no  peaceful  protest  could  bring 
about.  It  revealed  the  utter  inadequacy  of  the 
national  defence,  and  quickened  the  administra 
tion  to  wiser  methods  of  carrying  on  the  war. 
During  the  approach  of  the  British  to  Wash 
ington,  says  General  Cull  urn,  — 

"all  in  our  army  was  confusion,  and  though  Win 
der  was  called  the  commander  of  this  motley  mass, 
there  was  more  than  one  volunteer  generalissimo  from 
the  President's  mounted  cabinet,  one  of  whom,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  without  Winder's  knowledge, 
changed  his  order  of  battle,  and  another,  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  had  a  few  hours  before  been  invested 
by  the  President  with  the  supreme  command,  though, 
fortunately,  his  order  was  suspended  before  the  battle 
began." 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND   OF   WAR.      117 

From  the  various  narratives,  it  appears  that 
Monroe  went  out  from  Washington,  on  August 
20,  with  a  slender  escort  of  twenty-five  or 
thirty  dragoons,  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  po 
sition,  and  he  continued  to  watch  their  move 
ments  until  after  the  battle  of  Bladensburg. 
On  the  22d  he  informed  the  President  that  im 
minent  danger  threatened  the  capital,  advised 
the  removal  of  the  government  records,  and 
suggested  that  materials  be  in  readiness  for  the 
destruction  of  the  bridges.  Then  came  the 
panic  and  the  exodus  of  the  inhabitants  on  the 
eve  of  an  action.  On  the  24th,  Monroe  was 
with  the  President  at  General  Winder's  head 
quarters,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy 
were  marching  to  Bladensburg,  and  he  repaired 
without  loss  of  time  to  General  Stansbury's 
position,  in  order  to  inform  him  of  this  move 
ment.  The  accounts  of  what  he  did  on  the 
field  are  confused.  Colonel  Williams  says  there 
are  discrepancies  in  the  statements  of  various 
participants  in  the  action  which  it  is  impossible 
to  reconcile,  the  more  singular  because  the 
statements  were  prepared  for  the  information 
of  Congress  but  a  few  weeks  after  the  battle. 
Forty  years  later  the  recollections  of  Richard 
Rush  were  drawn  out  in  a  letter,  which  gives  a 
brief  and  vivid  narrative  of  the  sequence  of 
events  in  that  stirring  week,  and  indicates  the 


118  JAMES  MONROE. 

relation  of  the  President  and  his  cabinet  to  the 
various  movements.  It  is  not  possible  for  us  to 
read  this  chapter  in  the  national  history  with 
composure,  and  it  is  not  easy  on  the  field  of 
Bladensburg  to  gather  laurels  for  any  one ;  on 
the  other  hand,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  distribute 
the  responsibilities  of  the  disaster.  The  im 
mediate  result  of  it  was  that  Ross  and  Cockburn 
lost  no  time  in  entering  Washington,  and  soon 
the  public  buildings  were  in  flames ;  the  ulti 
mate  result  was  popular  determination  to  secure 
a  more  vigorous  conduct  of  the  war,  in  which 
Monroe  became  a  prominent  actor.1 

Among  contemporary  narratives  of  these 
events  two  drafts  have  been  preserved  of  a 
narrative  written  or  inspired  by  Monroe,  one 
of  which  will  here  be  given.  It  belongs  to  the 
class  of  m^moires  pour  servir,  or  semi-official 
memoranda,  and  will  serve  to  give  prominence 
to  the  Secretary's  proceeding  sat  this  time,  as 
he  would  like  to  have  them  remembered.  The 
date  is  September,  1814,  a  few  weeks  at  most 
(and  possibly  but  a  few  days)  after  the  battle  of 
Bladensburg  and  the  burning  of  the  capital,  — 
dire  events  which  are  referred  to  euphuistically 
as  "  the  affair  of  the  twenty-fourth."  The  cir- 

1  On  this  subject  see  G.  W.  Cullum,  Campaigns  of  1812, 
pp.  285-288 ;  J.  S.  Williams,  Capture  of  Washington,  p.  209 ; 
especially  the  letter  of  R.  Rush  on  p.  274. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND   OF    WAR.      119 

cumstances  which  placed  Monroe  in  charge  of 
the  War  Department  are  here  fully  indicated. 

"  The  President,  Secretary  of  State,  and  Attorney- 
General  returned  to  the  city  of  Washington  on  Satur 
day,  the  27th  of  August,  at  which  time  the  enerny'3 
squadron  were  battering  the  fort  below  Alexandria, 
whose  unprotected  inhabitants  were  in  consternation, 
as  were  those  of  the  city  and  of  Georgetown,  and 
indeed  of  all  the  neighboring  country.  After  the 
affair  of  the  24th,  General  Winder  rallied  the  prin 
cipal  part  of  the  militia  engaged  in  it  at  Montgomery 
Court  House,  where  he  remained  on  the  25th  and 
part  of  the  26th,  preparing  for  a  new  movement,  the 
necessity  of  which  he  anticipated.  The  Secretary  of 
State  joined  him ;  a  portion  of  the  forces  from  Balti 
more  at  Montgomery  Court  House  on  the  25th  had 
returned  to  that  city.  About  midday  on  the  26th 
the  general  having  received  intelligence  that  the 
enemy  were  in  motion  towards  Bladensburg,  probably 
with  intention  to  visit  Baltimore,  formed  his  troops 
without  delay,  and  commenced  his  march  towards 
Ellicott's  Mills,  with  intention  to  hang  on  the  enemy's 
left  flank  in  case  Baltimore  was  their  object,  and  of 
meeting  them  at  the  mills  if  they  took  that  route. 
Late  in  the  evening  of  that  day  he  resolved  to  pro 
ceed  in  person  to  Baltimore,  to  prepare  that  city  for 
the  attack  with  which  it  was  menaced.  As  com 
mander  of  the  military  district,  it  was  his  duty  to  look 
to  every  part  and  to  make  the  necessary  prepara 
tion  for  its  defence,  and  none  appeared  then  to  be  in 


120  JAMES  MONROE. 

greater  danger  or  to  have  a  stronger  claim  to  his 
attention  than  the  city  of  Baltimore.  He  announced 
this,  his  resolution,  to  Generals  Stansbury  and  Smith, 
instructing  them  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  act  with  the  force  under  their  com 
mand  as  circumstances  might  require,  and  departed 
about  7  P.  M.  The  Secretary  of  State  remained  with 
Generals  Stansbury  and  Smith. 

"The  President  [had]  crossed  the  Potomac  on  the 
evening  of  the  24th,  accompanied  by  the  Attorney- 
General  and  General  Mason,  and  remained  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river  a  few  miles  above  the  lower 
falls,  on  the  25th.  On  the  26th  he  recrossed  the 
Potomac,  and  went  to  Brookville,  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Montgomery  Court  Plouse,  with  intention  to 
join  General  Winder. 

"  On  the  27th  the  Secretary  of  State,  having  heard 
that  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  city,  notified  it,  by 
express,  to  the  President,  and  advised  immediate  re 
turn  to  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  reestablishing  the 
government  there.  He  joined  the  President  on  the 
same  day  at  Brookville,  accompanied  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  and  Attorney-General ;  set  out  immediately 
for  Washington,  where  they  arrived  at  five  in  the 
afternoon.  The  enemy's  squadron  was  then  battering 
Fort  Washington,  which  was  evacuated  and  blown 
up  by  the  commander,  on  that  evening,  without  the 
least  resistance.  The  unprotected  inhabitants  of  Al 
exandria  in  consternation  capitulated,  and  those  of 
Georgetown  and  the  city  were  preparing  to  follow 
the  example.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  OF  WAR.      121 

President  entered  the  city  on  the  evening  of  the 
27th.  There  was  no  force  organized  for  its  defence. 
The  Secretary  of  War  was  at  Fredericktown,  and 
General  Winder  at  Baltimore.  The  effect  of  the 
late  disaster  on  the  whole  Union  and  the  world  was 
anticipated.  Prompt  measures  were  indispensable. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  President  requested 
Mr.  Monroe  to  take  charge  of  the  Department  of 
War,  and  command  of  the  District  ad  interim,  with 
which  he  immediately  complied.  On  the  28th  in  the 
morning,  the  President,  with  Mr.  Monroe  and  the 
Attorney-General,  visited  the  navy  yard,  the  arsenal 
at  Greenleaf's  Point,  and  passing  along  the  shore  of 
the  Potomac,  up  towards  Georgetown,  Mr.  Monroe, 
as  Secretary  of  War  and  military  commander,  adopted 
measures,  under  sanction  of  the  President,  for  the 
defence  of  the  city  and  of  Georgetown.  As  they 
passed  near  the  capital  he  was  informed  that  the 
citizens  of  Washington  were  preparing  to  send  a  dep 
utation  to  the  British  commander  for'  the  purpose  of 
capitulating. 

"  He  forbade  the  measure.  It  was  then  remarked 
that  the  situation  of  the  inhabitants  was  deplorable  ; 
there  being  no  force  prepared  for  their  defence,  their 
houses  might  be  burnt  down.  Mr.  Monroe  then  ob 
served  that  he  had  been  charged  by  the  President 
with  authority  to  take  measures  for  the  defence  of  the 
city,  and  that  it  should  be  defended  ;  that  if  any  depu 
tation  moved  towards  the  enemy  it  should  be  repelled 
by  the  bayonet.  He  took  immediate  measures  for 
mounting  a  battery  at  Greenleaf's  Point,  another  near 


122  JAMES  MONROE. 

the  bridge,  a  third  at  the  wind  mill  point,  and  sent 
an  order  to  Colonel  Winder,  who  was  in  charge  of 
some  cannon,  on  the  opposite  shore  above  the  ferry- 
landing,  to  move  three  of  the  pieces  to  the  lower  end 
of  Mason's  Island,  and  the  others  some  distance 
below  that  point  on  the  Virginia  shore,  to  cooperate 
with  the  batteries  on  the  Maryland  side.  Colonel 
Winder  refused  to  obey  the  order,  on  which  Mr. 
Monroe  passed  the  river,  and  riding  to  the  colonel 
gave  the  order  in  person.  The  colonel  replied  that 
he  did  not  know  Mr.  Monroe  as  Secretary  of  War  or 
commanding  general.  Mr.  Monroe  then  stated  that 
he  acted  under  the  authority  of  the  President,  and 
that  he  must  either  obey  the  order  or  leave  the  field. 
The  colonel  preferred  the  latter." 1 

The  following  letter  from  William  Robinson, 
a  political  opponent  of  Monroe,  was  written  in 
1823,  to  counteract  certain  disparaging  reports 
which  were  abroad  in  reference  to  the  defence 
of  Washington  :  2  — 

"  I  have  it  in  perfect  recollection  that  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  27th  August  I  met  with  Colonel  Monroe 
at  Snell's  bridge  on  the  route  to  Baltimore.  The 
army  was  in  march  from  Montgomery  Court  House, 
where  it  had  reassembled  after  the  battle  of  Bladens- 
burg ;  much  confusion  prevailed  in  consequence  of 
the  recent  defeat,  and  the  disorganization  and  disper 
sion  of  the  officers  of  the  government.  Colonel 
Monroe  expressed  great  anxiety  for  the  immediate 
1  Monroe  MSS.  '2  Gouverneur  MSS. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND   OF   WAR.      123 

return  of  the  President  and  high  officers  of  govern 
ment  to  Washington  city  with  a  view  to  the  restora 
tion  of  order  and  effective  resistance  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  pleased  to  intrust  me  with  an  open  letter,  or 
billet,  to  that  effect,  ordering  my  utmost  dispatch  in 
search  of  the  President,  whom  I  found  at  the  village 
of  Brookville,  where  he  was  soon  found  by  the  colo 
nel,  and  both  proceeded  to  Washington.  I  then  pro 
ceeded  to  Montgomery  Court  House,  where  I  found 
Jones,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  delivered  a 
summons  for  an  immediate  attendance  at  Washington. 
General  Armstrong  had  gone  to  Fredericktown  in 
Maryland,  and  not  considering  my  orders  reached  so 
far,  I  returned  to  Georgetown  in  the  evening.  The 
sentiment  common  in  the  army  was  so  decidedly 
inimical  to  General  Armstrong,  that  I  feel  assured 
that  his  person  would  have  been  endangered  had  he 
attempted  to  join  us." 

Whatever  may  have  been  Monroe's  course  on 
the  battle-field  at  Bladensburg,  tbere  can  be  no 
doubt  that  when  he  assumed  the  duties  of  Sec 
retary  of  War  vigor  was  at  once  infused  into 
all  the  military  operations.  Washington  was 
defended ;  Baltimore  was  rescued,  and  the  na 
tional  banner  continued  to  wave  over  Fort  Mc- 
Henry  ;  the  dispatches  sent  to  Jackson  in  the 
southwest  had  the  ring  of  determination  and 
authority.  Monroe  appears  at  this  time  in  his 
best  aspect,  enthusiastic,  determined,  confident 
of  the  popular  support,  daring.  "  Hasten  your 


124  JAMES  MONROE. 

militia  to  New  Orleans,"  he  wrote  in  rousing 
dispatches  to  the  governors  near  the  seat  of 
war  in  Louisiana ;  "  do  not  wait  for  this  govern 
ment  to  arm  them ;  put  all  the  arms  you  can 
find  into  their  hands  ;  let  every  man  bring  his 
rifle  with  him ;  we  shall  see  you  paid." 

Having  thus  indicated  Monroe's  relations  to 
the  war,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  dwell  on 
the  innumerable  details  which  pertain  to  that 
period. 

1  Schouler  comes  to  the  defence  of  Monroe.  See  his  note, 
Hist,  of  U.  S.  ii.  p.  409,  and  the  text,  pp.  414  and  459. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PRESIDENT   OF   THE   UNITED  STATES. 

MONEOE  held  the  office  of  president  of  the 
United  States  during  two  full  terras,  from  1817 
to  1825.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  eight 
years  previous  to  his  first  election  he  was  se 
riously  considered  as  a  candidate,  when  Madi 
son  received  the  nomination.  He  was  nearly 
fifty-nine  years  old  when  first  called  to  the 
presidency,  about  the  age  at  which  Jefferson 
and  Madison  attained  the  same  position ;  Wash 
ington  became  President  a  little  younger,  at 
fifty-seven,  and  John  Adams  a  little  older,  at 
sixty-one. 

At  his  first  election,  Monroe  received  183 
votes  in  the  electoral  college  against  34  which 
were  given  for  Rufus  King,  the  candidate  of 
the  Federalists  ;  at  his  second  election,  but  one 
electoral  vote  was  given  against  him,  and  that 
was  cast  for  John  Quincy  Adams.  No  one  but 
Washington  was  ever  reflected  to  the  highest 
office  in  the  land  with  so  near  an  approach  to 
unanimity. 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins  was  Vice-President  dur 
ing  both  presidential  terms. 


126  JAMES  MONROE. 

Let  us  now  ask  on  whose  counsel  the  new 
President  could  rely  and  whose  opposition  he 
must  expect.  Jefferson  and  Madison  had  never 
failed  to  be  his  friends,  whatever  slight  estrange 
ment  may  have  arisen,  and  they  were  now  in 
the  mood  of  cordial  cooperation.  The  old  Fed 
eralists,  no  longer  bound  by  party  allegiance, 
had  not  forgotten  their  former  animosities.  The 
coldness  of  John  Adams  was  not  likely  to  be 
seriously  modified,  even  though  his  son  came 
into  the  cabinet.  Jackson,  already  extremely 
popular,  was  ready  to  volunteer  suggestions 
on  the  conduct  of  civil  affairs ;  Henry  Clay 
was  a  leader  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
where  for  several  years  (with  an  interruption) 
he  had  been  the  speaker;  Richard  Rush  was 
conspicuous  ;  Benton  was  soon  to  be  prominent, 
but  he  was  not  yet  a  man  of  national  mark, 
and  his  thirty  years'  reminiscences  begin  with 
1820 ;  Webster  had  been  for  two  terms  a 
member  of  the  House,  but  was  now  determined 
to  pursue  a  professional  life,  and  was  about  to 
come  forward  as  a  constitutional  lawyer  in  the 
Dartmouth  College  case. 

The  cabinet,  as  finally  made  up  after  various 
delays,  included  four  men  who  remained  in  it 
during  both  presidential  terms,  —  J.  Q.  Adams, 
J.  C.  Calhoun,  W.  IT.  Crawford,  and  W.  Wirt, 
—  respectively  appointed  Secretary  of  State, 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.     127 

Secretary  of  War,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  Attorney-General.  The  Post  Office  was 
first  directed  by  R.  J.  Meigs,  and  then  by 
J.  McLean.  The  Navy  Department  remained 
for  a  time  under  Mr.  Madison's  secretary,  Ben 
jamin  W.  Crowninshield,  but  he  was  soon  suc 
ceeded  by  Smith  Thompson.1  In  all  political 
affairs,  as  distinguished  from  administrative 
duties,  the  four  first  named  were  undoubtedly 
the  strong  men.  They  were  younger  than 
Monroe:  Adams  at  that  time  being  50  years 
old  ;  Crawford,  44  ;  Calhonn,  35  ;  and  Wirt, 
45 ;  and  they  represented  different  ideas  of 
public  policy,  as  well  as  opposing  claims  to  the 
presidential  succession.  Their  personal  rival 
ries  were  not  concealed.  Adams,  when  he  be 
came  Secretary  of  State,  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
distinguished  American  then  actively  engaged 
in  public  life.  He  took  this  office  thoroughly 
trained  for  its  responsibilities.  He  had  been 
favored  with  a  liberal  academic  education,  and 
had  participated  to  an  unusual  extent  in  the 
conduct  of  affairs.  At  the  age  of  eleven  he 
went  with  his  father  to  Paris,  when  the  latter 
was  envoy  to  France.  At  fourteen,  this  "  ma 
ture  youngster  "  (as  Mr.  Morse  has  called  him) 
accompanied  Mr.  Dana  to  St.  Petersburg,  in 
the  post  of  private  secretary.  Later  on  he  was 
1  Thompson  was  followed  by  S.  L.  Southard. 


128  JAMES  MONROE. 

successively  minister  to  Holland,  Prussia,  Rus 
sia,  and  England.  He  secured  a  treaty  of 
amity  between  Prussia  and  the  United  States, 
was  one  of  the  commissioners  who  negotiated 
the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  was  afterwards  one  of 
those  who  signed  the  commercial  treaty  with 
England.  He  was  thus  a  participant  in  the 
diplomatic  questions  evolved  by  two  wars,  — 
the  Revolution  and  the  war  of  1812.  Inheriting 
strong  intellectual  qualities  which  have  been 
conspicuous  in  his  descendants,  governed  by 
absolute  independence  in  the  formation  of  his 
opinions,  and  sustained  in  the  popular  good 
will  by  his  unquestioned  integrity  and  patriot 
ism,  he  was  the  man  of  all  who  could  be 
thought  of  to  give  wisdom,  weight,  and  dig 
nity  to  the  cabinet  of  which  he  became  head. 
The  most  serious  questions  of  Monroe's  admin 
istration  arose  in  the  State  Department,  and  it 
was  fortunate  that  its  affairs  were  guided  by  a 
statesman  of  such  varied  information  and  ex 
perience.  The  wonderful  diary,  which  Adams, 
when  a  child,  began  at  the  instance  of  his  fa 
ther,  is  rich  in  its  memoranda  of  this  period, 
and  the  eulogy  which  he  delivered  on  the  death 
of  Monroe  remains  to  this  day  the  best  history 
of  his  political  standing. 

Calhoun's   career    had    been   very   different 
from  that  of  Adams.      He  was  called  to  the 


PRESIDENT  OF  TEE   UNITED  STATES.     129 

cabinet  while  comparatively  a  young  man, 
fifteen  years  the  junior  of  the  Secretary  of 
State.  His  political  experience  had  been  re 
stricted  to  that  of  a  representative  in  Congress. 
From  the  time  of  his  election  to  the  House,  he 
was  felt  to  be  a  power.  Important  positions 
were  assigned  to  him,  and  his  words  bore  the 
weight  of  authority.  But  although  the  public 
lives  of  those  two  men  were  so  different,  and 
although  they  ultimately  became  representa 
tives  of  bitter  antagonisms,  they  were  not  un 
like  in  some  marked  peculiarities.  In  early 
days  both  were  surrounded  by  strong  religious 
influences.  Calhoun  was  born  and  bred  under 
the  rigid  orthodoxy  characteristic  of  the  Irish 
Presbyterians,  to  whom  both  his  father  and  his 
mother  and  their  parents  belonged.  Adams,  as 
his  latest  biographer  tells  us,  remained  through 
life  "  a  complete  and  thorough  Puritan,  won 
derfully  little  modified  by  times  and  circum 
stances."  Both  were  graduated  in  New  England 
colleges,  one  at  Harvard,  and  the  other  at  Yale. 
Both  were  independent  thinkers,  and  true  to 
their  convictions,  however  unpopular.  One  be 
came  a  leading  opponent  of  the  encroachments 
of  slavery,  the  other  a  leader  in  nullification ; 
but  during  the  administration  of  Monroe  and 
long  afterwards  Calhoun  was  quite  as  out 
spoken  as  Adams  in  his  love  for  the  Union. 
9 


130  JAMES  MONROE. 

Both  were  loyal  admirers  of  the  President  into 
whose  council  they  were  called,  and  they  re 
mained  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  him  as  long 
as  he  lived.  Both  were  honest,  fearless,  power 
ful,  independent  statesmen.  After  Monroe's 
retirement,  one  became  President,  the  other 
Vice-President.  Both  remained  in  public  ser 
vice  to  the  very  close  of  life,  Calhoun  dying 
while  senator,  and  Adams  while  a  representa 
tive.  Both  are  credited  by  their  biographers 
with  that  sagacity  which  points  out  in  advance 
the  dangers  covered  up  by  a  political  measure. 
Calhoun,  says  Von  Hoist,  "  reads  the  future  as 
if  the  book  of  fate  were  lying  wide  open  before 
him."  Adams,  says  Morse,  "  discerned  in  pass 
ing  events  '  the  title-page  to  a  great  tragic  vol 
ume,'  "  and  "  few  men  at  that  day  read  the 
future  so  clearly." 

Unlike  the  two  ministers  already  named, 
Crawford  was  what  has  been  termed  "  a  self- 
made  man."  He  was  continued  in  charge  of 
the  Treasury  Department,  to  which,  after  his 
return  from  the  embassy  to  France  and  after  a 
brief  service  as  Secretary  of  War,  he  had  been 
called  by  Madison.  In  the  congressional  cau 
cus  which  nominated  Monroe,  Crawford  was 
the  chief  opposing  candidate ;  and  a  shrewd 
observer,  who  was  a  member  of  that  body,  has 
recorded  his  opinion  that  when  Congress  first 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES.    131 

assembled  a  majority  of  Republican  members 
were  for  Crawford.  But  the  nomination  was 
postponed  from  time  to  time,  and  at  length, 
through  the  influence  of  Madison  or  other 
causes,  sixty-five  votes  were  cast  for  Monroe 
and  fifty-four  for  his  opponent.1  Crawford, 
however,  continued  to  be  regarded  as  in  the 
line  of  succession  to  the  presidency,  and  re 
ceived  a  part  of  the  electoral  vote  in  1824. 

William  Wirt  was  the  choice  of  the  Presi 
dent  for  the  office  of  attorney-general.  His 
biographer,  John  P.  Kennedy,  in  the  vivid  por 
trait  with  which  he  begins  the  memoir,  dwells 
on  the  Teutonic  aspect  of  Wirt,  not  unlike  to 
Goethe's.  Born  in  Maryland,  he  was  of  Ger 
man  origin,  his  father  having  migrated  to  this 
country  from  Switzerland  many  years  before 
the  Revolution,  and  his  mother  being  a  Ger 
man.  Previously  a  prominent  advocate  in  the 
courts  of  Virginia,  he  won  a  national  reputa 
tion  by  the  part  he  took  in  the  prosecution  of 
Aaron  Burr.  Having  a  limited  education  and 
a  very  moderate  library  to  begin  with,  he  had 
risen  by  his  talents  to  a  conspicuous  rank  as  a 
lawyer  and  as  a  writer.  He  had  recently  com 
pleted  his  memoir  of  Patrick  Henry.  He  came 
into  office  as  the  personal  friend  of  Monroe, 

1  Many  other  details  in  respect  to  the  nomination  are  given 
in  Hammond's  Political  History. 


132  JAMES  MONROE. 

after  it  was  decided  that  Richard  Rush  should 
go  to  England,  and  he  was  attracted  to  the  at 
torney-generalship  not  so  much  on  account  of 
the  political  preferment,  as  because  of  the  pro 
fessional  standing  which  it  gave  him.  Unlike 
Adams,  Calhoun,  and  Crawford,  he  did  not 
aspire  to  the  presidency.  To  William  Pope's 
suggestions  he  replied,  "  I  am  already  higher 
than  I  had  any  reason  to  expect,  and  I  should 
be  light-headed  indeed,  because  I  have  been 
placed  on  this  knoll,  where  I  feel  safe,  to  aspire 
at  the  mountain's  pinnacle  in  order  to  be  blown 
to  atoms.  Therefore  let  this  matter  rest."  And 
so  it  rested.  Wirt  remained  in  office  twelve 
years,  and  although  he  did  not  confine  his  pro 
fessional  labors  to  the  service  of  the  govern 
ment,  he  exalted  the  station  which  he  held  by 
an  assiduous  discharge  of  all  its  duties  with 
ability,  learning,  and  success. 

Among  those  who  were  thought  of  for  the 
cabinet,  Henry  Clay,  one  of  Monroe's  support 
ers  for  the  presidency,  was  conspicuous.  He  de 
clined  the  offer  of  an  appointment  as  Secretary 
of  War,  but  his  "  friends  did  not  conceal  their 
disappointment  that  he  was  not  invited  to  take 
the  office  of  secretary  of  state  ;  nor  did  he  dis 
guise  his  dissatisfaction  at  the  appointment  of 
Mr.  Adams  ;  "  so  writes  Josiah  Quincy.  There 
are  many  subsequent  indications  of  Clay's  hos- 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  133 

tility  to  the  administration.  William  Wirt, 
for  example,  in  counselling  with  the  President 
in  regard  to  certain  allowances  claimed  for 
Clay's  diplomatic  services,  where  the  usage  of 
the  government  was  not  clearly  established, 
remarks  as  follows :  "I  am  aware  of  the  deli 
cacy  which  connects  itself  with  this  question 
considered  personally  as  it  relates  to  }rou;  but 
it  is  a  delicacy  with  a  double  aspect :  if  you  re 
ject  the  claim,  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends  may 
impute  it  to  hostility  to  him,  on  account  of  the 
political  part  which  he  has  occasionally  taken 
against  you ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if  you  ad 
mit  the  claim  and  it  shall  be  thought  unjust, 
it  may,  and  by  some  most  probably  will,  be  im 
puted  to  a  dread  of  his  further  opposition  and 
a  wish  to  bribe  him  to  silence.  The  best  way 
•will  be  to  consider  the  question  abstractedly 
without  any  manner  of  reference  to  the  char 
acter  of  the  claimant,  and  this  I  shall  endeavor 
to  do."  It  is  one  of  the  curious  incidents  of 
political  life,  that  at  the  close  of  Monroe's  ad 
ministration  the  vote  of  Clay's  friends  made 
Adams  President,  and  Adams  made  Clay  his 
Secretary  of  State. 

Jackson  had  formed  a  personal  attachment 
to  Monroe  in  1815,  and  welcomed  his  accession 
to  the  presidency  partly  on  this  account,  partly 
because  he  disliked  Crawford.  Several  letters 


134  JAMES  MONROE. 

exchanged  by  Jackson  and  the  President  elect 
have  long  been  familiar  to  the  public.  They 
indicate  that  he,  as  well  as  Clay  and  Shelby, 
declined  the  office  of  secretary  of  war.  They 
also  show  that  Jackson  felt  quite  at  liberty  to 
make  confidential  suggestions  in  respect  to  can 
didates  for  the  cabinet.  For  the  War  Depart 
ment  he  urgently  recommended  Colonel  W.  H. 
Dray  ton,  late  of  the  army  ;  Shelby  he  opposed. 
The  selection  of  Adams  he  regarded  as  the  best 
that  could  be  made  for  the  Department  of  State. 
The  letters  of  Monroe  to  Jackson  at  this  junc 
ture  show  the  principles  on  which  the  former 
meant  to  select  his  chief  advisers,  and  also  the 
attitude  which  he  proposed  to  hold  in  respect 
to  the  Federalists.  In  the  formation  of  an  ad 
ministration,  he  thought  that  the  heads  of  de 
partments  (there  being  four)  should  be  taken 
from  the  four  great  sections  of  the  Union,  the 
east,  the  middle,  the  south,  and  the  west,  unless 
great  emergencies  and  transcendent  talents 
should  justify  a  departure  from  this  plan  ;  and 
he  intimated  pointedly  that  in  selecting  candi 
dates  he  should  act  for  the  country,  and  not 
"for  the  aggrandizement  of  any  one."  The 
Federalists  he  regarded  as  thoroughly  routed, 
the  great  body  of  them  having  become  Repub 
licans.  To  preserve  the  Republican  party  and 
prevent  the  revival  of  the  Federal,  was  to  be 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES.    135 

his  aim  as  a  politician,  for  he  did  not  regard 
the  existence  of  parties  as  necesssary  to  free 
governments.  Hence  he  favored  moderation 
toward  those  who  had  acted  with  the  Federal 
party,  and  even  a  generous  policy.  The  embar 
rassing  question  was,  how  far  to  indulge  that 
spirit  in  the  outset. 

The  course  pursued  by  Monroe  when  James 
Kent  was  proposed  to  him  for  the  vacant  posi 
tion  on  the  supreme  bench  does  not  show  that 
he  had  entirely  forgotten  his  animosity  toward 
the  Federalists.  Wirt  urged  the  appointment 
of  Kent,  and  Calhoun  concurred  with  him, 
but  the  President  hesitated  and  finally  Smith 
Thompson  received  the  nomination. 

The  principal  subjects  which  engrossed  the 
attention  of  Monroe  during  his  two  terms  of 
office  were  the  defence  of  the  Atlantic  sea 
board,  the  promotion,  of  internal  improvements, 
the  Seminole  war,  the  acquisition  of  Florida, 
the  Missouri  compromise  ;  and  the  resistance  to 
foreign  interference  in  American  affairs,  formu 
lated  in  a  declaration  which  has  borne  the  des 
ignation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  It  may  also 
be  added  that  his  administration  began  and 
ended  with  a  sort  of  pageantry,  which  is  always 
attractive  to  the  masses  as  it  moves  over  the 
scene,  though  not  always  approved  in  the  cooler 
criticism  of  democratic  second  thoughts.  The 


136  JAMES  MONROE. 

first  of  these  demonstrations  was  a  presidential 
tour,  in  two  parts,  to  the  north  and  to  the 
south  ;  the  second  was  a  national  reception  of 
Lafayette,  the  country's  guest. 

With  the  present  facilities  in  locomotion, 
presidential  journeys  are  not  uncommon,  and 
have  rarely  any  political  significance  ;  but  in 
that  generation  it  was  a  noteworthy  event  to 
see  and  hear  the  chief  magistrate  on  his  travels. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  one  of  the  principal 
objects  of  this  journey  was  to  conciliate  the 
Federalists,  whose  opposition  to  this  and  the 
preceding  administration  was  strong  ;  but  the 
primary  and  ostensible  purpose  was  to  examine 
the  fortifications  and  harbors  of  the  United 
States.  For  this  reason  the  President  was  ac 
companied  by  General  Joseph  G.  Swift,  Chief 
Engineer  of  the  army,  and  not  by  the  members 
of  his  cabinet.  This  choice  of  an  escort  was 
sagacious.  Swift  was  a  New  Englander  of  New 
Englanders,  the  first  graduate  at  West  Point, 
and  a  friend  of  Eustis,  late  Secretary  of  War, 
whom  he  had  accompanied  from  Boston  to 
Washington  in  1809,  and  " inducted  into  the 
mysteries  of  his  new  vocation."  By  his  skill 
in  protecting  New  York  during  the  war  he  had 
gained  the  applause  of  a  "  Benefactor  to  the 
City,"  and  had  received  more  substantial  proofs 
of  the  gratitude  of  the  people.  He  was  there- 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  137 

fore  a  valuable  companion  in  a  professional  as 
well  as  in  a  social  aspect.1 

Three  months  and  a  half  were  expended  on 
the  journey.  The  party  visited  the  chief  cities 
of  the  Atlantic  seaboard  as  far  as  Portland, 
traversed  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  and  New 
York,  went  west  as  far  as  Detroit,  and  then 
returned  to  Washington  by  way  of  Zanesville, 
Pittsburgh,  and  Fredericktown.  Everywhere 
there  were  receptions  and  speeches,  dinners  and 
assemblies,  and  the  record  of  all  these  doings 
was  compiled  and  published  in  a  duodecimo 
volume  by  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  adminis 
tration  in  Connecticut.  The  President's  first 
address  was  at  Baltimore  on  June  2,  1817. 
There  he  indicated,  in  the  following  language, 
his  double  aim  to  secure  defence  against  exter 
nal  foes,  and  to  seek  the  promotion  of  internal 
•  harmony. 

*'  Congress  has  appropriated  large  sums  of  money 
for  the  fortification  of  our  coast  and  inland  frontier, 
and  for  the  establishment  of  naval  dock  yards  and 
building  a  navy.  It  is  proper  that  these  works  should 
be  executed  with  judgment,  fidelity,  and  economy  ; 
much  depends  in  the  execution  on  the  Executive,  to 
whom  extensive  power  is  given  as  to  the  general  ar 
rangement,  and  to  whom  the  superintendence  exclu- 

i  See  General  G.  W.  Cullum's  Campaigns  and  Engineers  of 
1812. 


138  JAMES  MONROE. 

sively  belongs.  You  do  me  justice  in  believing  that 
it  is  to  enable  me  to  discharge  these  duties  with  the 
best  advantage  to  my  country  that  I  have  undertaken 
this  tour. 

"  From  the  increased  harmony  of  public  opinion, 
founded  on  the  successful  career  of  a  government 
which  has  never  been  equalled,  and  which  promises, 
by  a  future  development  of  its  faculties,  to  augment 
in  an  eminent  degree  the  blessings  of  this  favored 
people,  I  unite  with  you  in  all  the  anticipations 
which  you  have  so  justly  suggested." 

A  letter  which  was  written  by  Crawford  to 
Gallatin,  after  the  close  of  the  President's  tour, 
is  a  good  indication  of  the  politician's  view  of 
the  results  of  so  great  an  expenditure  of  time 
and  force.1 

"  The  President's  tour  through  the  East  has  pro 
duced  something  like  a  political  jubilee.  They  were, 
in  the  land  of  steady  habits,  at  least  for  the  time, 
'  all  Federalists,  all  Republicans.'  If  the  bondmen 
and  bondwomen  were  not  set  free,  and  individual 
debts  released,  a  general  absolution  of  political  sins 
seems  to  have  been  mutually  agreed  upon.  Whether 
the  parties  will  not  relapse  on  the  approach  of  their 
spring  elections  in  Massachusetts  can  only  be  deter 
mined  by  the  event. 

"  In  this  world  there  seems  to  be  nothing  free  from 
alloy.  Whilst  the  President  is  lauded  for  the  good 
he  has  done  in  the  East  by  having  softened  party 
i  October  27,  1817. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.     139 

asperity  and  by  the  apparent  reconciliation  which,  for 
the  moment,  seems  to  have  been  effected  between 
materials  the  most  heterogeneous,  the  restless,  the 
carping,  the  malevolent  men  in  the  Ancient  Dominion 
are  ready  to  denounce  him  for  his  apparent  acquies 
cence  in  the  seeming  man-worship  with  which  he  was 
venerated  by  the  wise  men  of  the  East. 

"  Seriously,  I  think  the  President  has  lost  as  much 
as  he  has  gained  by  this  tour,  at  least  in  popularity. 
In  health,  however,  he  seems  to  have  been  a  great 
gainer." 

With  these  views  of  the  critical  Georgian 
may  be  placed  in  contrast  the  genial  reflections 
of  an  admirer  at  the  North.1 

"  For  the  political  father  of  a  great,  a  growing, 
and  an  intelligent  people,  freemen  by  birth,  and  re 
solved  to  be  free,  to  witness  such  striking  proofs  of 
their  fidelity  and  admiration,  must  have  made  a 
deep,  a  lasting  impression  upon  his  mind.  He  must 
be  something  more  or  less  than  man,  who  would  view 
such  a  scene  with  apathy  and  indifference.  A  jani 
zary  of  Turkey  may  offer  up  hosannahs  to  the  Sultan 
until  the  javelin  which  the  Sultan  wields  ends  his  life 
and  his  plaudits  at  a  stroke ;  an  eastern  despot  may 
be  adored  by  his  slaves,  who  mingle  groans  of  distress 
with  the  accents  of  praise  ;  European  princes  may 
be  followed  by  a  famishing  peasantry,  whose  huzzas 
are  feeble  from  want  of  food  ;  but  it  is  the  happiness 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  be  thronged 
1  Waldo,  p.  51. 


140  JAMES  MONROE. 

by  an  assemblage  of  happy  freemen,  acknowledging 
their  gratitude  to  the  only  "legitimate"  ruler  of  a 
great  nation  ;  legitimate,  because  he  derives  his  power 
from  the  voice  of  the  people  he  governs." 

The  northern  trip  was  followed  by  one  to  the 
Southern  States  in  1819.  The  President  went 
as  far  south  as  Augusta,  then  through  the  Cher 
okee  region  to  Nashville,  and  afterwards  to 
Louisville  and  Lexington. 

Before  a  year  had  passed  there  was  a  renewal 
of  hostilities  with  the  Seminole  Indians.  The 
war  was  brief  and  decisive,  but  the  enmities 
which  it  excited  among  those  who  took  part 
in  conducting  it  lasted  many  years.  This  con- 
trovers}7,  long  dormant,  burst  forth  with  fury 
when  Jackson  was  a  candidate  for  a  second 
presidential  term.  It  is  to  his  life  that  this 
story  belongs,  and  the  reader  may  readily  find 
the  particulars  in  the  pages  of  Parton  and  Stun 
ner. 

While  Florida  was  still  a  Spanish  domain, 
Jackson  was  sent  to  Southern  Georgia  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  Indian  outrages.  Before  going  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  Monroe  (January  6, 1818) 
intimating  that,  in  his  opinion,  a  vigorous  policy 
ought  to  be  pursued.  Amelia  Island  should  be 
seized  "at  all  hazards,"  and  "  simultaneously 
the  whole  of  East  Florida,  to  be  held  as  an  in 
demnity  for  the  outrages  of  Spain  upon  the 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.    141 

property  of  our  citizens."  It  is  not  clear 
whether  he  received  an  authoritative  answer 
from  the  President  to  this  important  pro 
gramme,  for  there  are  discrepancies  in  the 
testimony  not  now  explicable.  But  he  acted 
as  if  he  possessed  the  complete  support  of  the 
authorities  in  Washington.  He  crossed  the 
Florida  line  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitive  red  men; 
he  captured  and  garrisoned  a  fortress  on  Span 
ish  territory ;  he  seized  Pensacola  and  captured 
the  Barrancas ;  and  he  approved  the  summary 
execution  of  Ambrister  and  Arbuthnot,  subjects 
of  Great  Britain,  who  were  credited  with  excit 
ing  the  Indians  against  the  Americans.  By  all 
this  he  brought  the  United  States  to  the  verge 
of  war  with  Spain,  and  likewise  offended  Eng 
land.  War  might  have  been  produced,  said 
Lord  Castlereagh  to  Mr.  Rush,  "  if  the  ministry 
had  but  held  up  a  finger." 

When  Jackson  returned  to  the  North  it  was 
a  question  how  far  he  should  be  sustained  by 
the  administration.  Adams  wrote  a  diplomatic 
paper  vindicating  him,  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  sustained  him,  and  there  was  a  general 
acquiescence  in  the  course  he  had  pursued. 
But  long  afterwards,  in  the  spring  of  1830,  it  be 
came  a  matter  of  partisan  controversy  to  deter 
mine  the  attitude  of  Monroe  and  of  the  various 
members  of  his  cabinet  in  respect  to  the  incep- 


142  JAMES  MONROE. 

tion  and  progress  of  this  brief  and  spirited  cam 
paign.  The  recollections  of  Monroe,  Calhoun, 
Adams,  Crawford,  and  others  were  appealed  to. 
The  point  of  the  controversy  was,  whether  in 
January,  1818,  Mr.  Rhea,  a  member  of  Con 
gress  and  a  friend  of  Jackson's,  had  communi 
cated  to  the  latter  by  authority  the  wishes  of 
Monroe  in  respect  to  the  opening  campaign. 
Monroe  did  not  acknowledge  that  he  had  given 
any  such  authority;  Jackson  claimed  that  he 
did  give  it ;  but  "  the  Rhea  letter  "  said  to  have 
been  written  with  Monroe's  assent  was  never 
produced.  In  the  public  correspondence  just 
after  the  war,  Monroe  appears  to  deprecate 
the  course  which  had  been  pursued  by  Jackson, 
though  not  to  the  extent  of  blaming  him.  "  In 
transcending  the  limit  of  your  orders,"  he  says, 
"  you  acted  on  your  own  responsibility  on  facts 
and  circumstances  which  were  unknown  to  the 
government  when  the  orders  were  given  .  .  . 
and  which  you  thought  imposed  on  you  the 
measure  as  an  act  of  patriotism,  essential  to  the 
honor  and  interests  of  your  country."  He  also 
calls  the  General's  attention  to  some  parts  of 
dispatches, "  written  in  haste  and  under  the  pres 
sure  of  fatigue  and  infirmity,  and  in  a  spirit  of 
conscious  rectitude,"  which  may  make  trouble, 
and  suggests  their  correction.  "  If  you  think 
proper  to  authorize  the  secretary  or  myself  to 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.    143 

correct  those  passages,  it  will  be  done  with  care, 
though  should  you  have  copies,  as  I  presume 
you  have,  you  had  better  do  it  yourself."  A 
convenient  summary  of  these  letters  was  printed 
for  Calhoun  in  1831,  but  copies  of  it  are  now 
scarce. 

The  endeavor  of  the  United  States  to  get 
possession  of  the  Floridas  by  purchase  reached 
a  successful  issue  February  22,  1819,  when  a 
treaty  was  concluded  at  Washington  through 
the  negotiations  of  John  Q.  Adams,  Secretary 
of  State,  and  Luis  de  Onis,  the  Spanish  envoy. 
Notwithstanding  opposition  from  Mr.  Clay  and 
others,  the  treaty  was  ratified  unanimously  by 
the  Senate,  and  thus  the  control  of  the  entire 
Atlantic  and  Gulf  sea-board  from  the  St.  Croix 
to  the  Sabine  was  secured  to  this  government. 

During  most  of  Monroe's  administration, 
Richard  Rush  was  the  American  minister  in 
London,  and  his  relations  were  chiefly  with 
Lord  Castlereagh  and  Mr.  Canning.  Rush  was 
careful  in  his  diary  and  correspondence,  and  has 
published  much  that  is  interesting  on  the  as 
pect  of  American  affairs  between  1818  and 
1825.  The  instructions  under  which  he  acted 
had  the  sanction  of  Madison,  as  well  as  of  Mon 
roe  and  Adams.  The  two  subjects  which  he 
brought  forward  in  one  of  his  first  interviews 
with  the  British  minister  were,  an  alleged  viola- 


144  JAMES  MONROE. 

tion  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent  by  the  carrying  off 
of  slaves  in  English  ships  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  and  a  neglect  to  carry  out  exactly  the  com 
mercial  convention  of  1815.  He  afterwards 
told  how  the  news  of  Jackson's  pursuit  was 
received  in  the  diplomatic  circles  of  the  Court 
of  St.  James.  "  We  have  had  nothing  of  late 
so  exciting :  it  smacks  of  war,"  said  one  of  the 
plenipotentiaries.  Subsequently  the  old  subject 
of  impressment,  and  the  subject,  ever  old  and 
ever  new,  of  the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  were 
matters  of  negotiation. 

The  admission  of  Missouri  to  the  Union  was 
the  theme  of  violent  controversy  from  1819  to 
1821,  resulting  in  the  famous  Compromise,  the 
repeal  of  which  more  than  thirty  years  later 
again  agitated  the  country.  Here  was  the  be 
ginning  of  that  wandering  in  the  wilderness  for 
forty  years  which  resulted  in  emancipation. 
The  particular  record  of  the  debates,  led  by 
Rufus  King  upon  one  side  and  John  Randolph 
upon  the  other,  must  be  studied  in  the  legisla 
tive  rather  than  the  administrative  history  of 
the  times.  The  crisis  in  this  debate  occurred 
March  1,  1820,  when  Congress  agreed  to  aban 
don  the  idea  of  prohibiting  slavery  in  Missouri 
and  to  insist  upon  its  prohibition  in  the  pub 
lic  territory  north  of  the  line  36°  30'.  This 
determined  the  admission  of  Missouri,  though  it 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES.    145 

did  not  close  the  discussion.  It  came  up  again 
in  the  following  year  and  resulted  in  a  second 
compromise.  During  the  winter  of  1819-20  the 
excitement  in  Washington  was  intense.  "  At 
our  evening  parties,"  says  Mr.  Adams,  "  we 
hear  of  nothing  but  the  Missouri  question  and 
.  King's  speeches."  He  records  also  the  con- 

rsation  which  he  held  with  Calhoun,  indicat 
ing  in  both  that  prophetic,  sagacity  to  which 
reference  has  been  made,  and  also  their  diver 
gence  on  a  fundamental  principle  which  grew 
wider  and  wider  as  long  as  they  lived. 

Writing  under  the  date  of  February  15, 1820, 
a  fortnight  before  the  adoption  of  the  Com 
promise,  Monroe  in  a  private  letter  declared 
his  conviction  that  "the  majority  of  States,  of 
physical  force,  and  eventually  of  votes  in  both 
houses,  would  be  on  the  side  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  States."  He  thought  it  probable  that 
they  would  succeed  in  their  purpose  or  the 
Union  be  dissolved.  "  I  consider  this,"  he  con 
tinued,  "  as  an  atrocious  attempt  in  certain 
leaders  to  grasp  at  power,  and  being  very  art 
fully  laid  is  more  likely  to  succeed  than  any 
effort  having  the  same  object  in  view  ever 
made  before." 

The  latter  portion  of  this  letter  is  as  fol 
lows:  1  — 

1  February  15,  1220. 
10 


146  JAMES  MONROE. 

"  As  to  the  part  which  I  may  act,  in  all  circum 
stances  in  which  I  may  be  placed,  I  have  not  made 
up  my  mind,  nor  shall  I  until  the  period  arrives 
when  it  will  be  my  duty  to  act,  and  then  I  shall  weigh 
well  the  injunctions  of  the  Constitution,  which,  when 
clear  and  distinct  to  my  mind,  will  be  conclusive  with 
me.  The  next  consideration  will  be  a  fixed  and  an 
unalterable  attachment  to  the  Union  ;  my  decided 
opinion  is,  that  all  States  composing  our  Union,  new 
as  well  as  old,  must  have  equal  rights,  ceding  to  the 
general  government  an  equal  share  of  power,  and  re 
taining  to  themselves  the  like  ;  that  they  cannot  be 
incorporated  into  the  Union  on  different  principles  or 
conditions.  Whether  the  same  restraint  exists  on 
the  power  of  the  general  government,  as  to  terri 
tories,  in  their  incipient  and  territorial  state,  is  a 
/question  on  which  my  mind  is  clearly  decided.  By 
the  Constitution,  Congress  has  power  to  dispose  of 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect 
ing  the  territory  and  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  with  a  provision  that  nothing  in  this 
Constitution  should  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice 
any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular 
State.  This  provision  is  the  only  check  on  the  power 
of  Congress,  and  (referring  only  to  the  old  contro 
versy  between  the  United  States  and  individual  States 
respecting  vacant  lands  within  their  charter  of  limits, 
whose  relative  claims  it  was  intended  to  preserve) 
has  no  operation,  as  I  presume,  on  the  present  case. 
The  power  itself  applies  to  the  territory  ceded  by  in 
dividual  States  to  the  United  States,  and  to  none 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  147 

other.  In  such  portions  of  the  territory  so  ceded  as 
are  altogether  uninhabited,  the  people  who  move 
there,  under  any  ordinance  of  Congress,  have  no 
rights  in  the  territorial  state  except  such  as  they 
may  acquire  under  the  ordinance.  The  question, 
therefore,  cannot  occur  in  regard  to  them.  If  there 
is  any  restraint,  then,  on  this  power  in  Congress,  it 
must  be  found  in  other  parts  of  the  Constitution. 
Slavery  is  recognized  by  the  Constitution  as  five  to 
three ;  but  is  not  the  right  thus  recognized  that  only 
of  the  States  in  which  the  slaves  are,  as  the  measure 
or  rate  of  representation  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  and  for  direct  taxes  ?  Is  it  not  a  right  to  the 
slaves  themselves,  not  as  I  presume  to  their  owners, 
out  of  the  State  in  which  they  are?  By  another 
clause  it  is  provided  that  if  slaves  run  away  they  may 
be  pursued,  demanded,  and  brought  back ;  this  is  a 
right  of  the  slave-holding  States,  and  of  the  owners 
of  slaves  living  in  them,  and  would  apply  to  slaves 
running  into  Territories  as  well  as  into  States.  As 
slavery  is  recognized  by  the  Constitution  it  is  evi 
dently  unjust  to  restrain  the  owner  from  carrying  his 
slave  into  a  territory  and  retaining  his  right  to  him 
there,  but  whether  the  power  to  do  this  has  not  been 
granted  is  the  point  on  which  I  have  doubts,  and  on 
which  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  your  opinion.  If  I 
can  be  satisfied  that  the  Constitution  forbids  restraint, 
I  shall,  of  course,  obey  it  in  all  cases. 

"  Should  a  bill  pass  admitting  Missouri,  subject  to 
such  restraint,  I  should  have  no  difficulty  in  the 
course  to  be  pursued,  nor  should  I  in  any  future  case 


148  JAMES  MONROE. 

respecting  the  admission  of  any  other  State.  Arkan 
sas,  being  organized  without  restriction,  and  people 
having  moved  there,  as  is  understood,  stands  on  the 
most  favorable  ground,  on  constitutional  principles, 
in  the  view  stated  above. 

"Considerations  of  injustice  and  impolicy  also 
merit  much  attention,  and  will  have  their  weight 
\J  with  me.  I  do  not  think,  supposing  the  constitu 
tional  right  to  exist,  that  Congress  ought  to  confine 
the  slaves  within  such  narrow  limits,  even  of  Terri 
tories,  as  might  tend  to  make  them  a  burden  on  the 
old  States.  How  far  I  may  go  on  this  principle  will 
merit  great  consideration.  If  the  right  to  impose 
the  restraint  exists,  and  Congress  should  pass  a  law 
for  it,  to  reject  it,  as  to  the  whole  of  the  unsettled 
territory,  might,  with  existing  impressions  in  other 
questions,  affect  our  system.  This  I  should  look  to 
with  a  just  sensibility  to  the  part  likely  to  be  in 
jured." 

Mr.  Adams,  in  recording  his  impressions  of 
the  entire  discussion,  thus  defines  his  own  posi 
tion  :  — 

"  I  have  favored  this  Missouri  compromise,  believ 
ing  it  to  be  all  that  could  be  effected  under  the  pres 
ent  Constitution,  and  from  extreme  unwillingness  to 
put  the  Union  at  hazard.  But  perhaps  it  would  have 
been  a  wiser  and  bolder  course  to  have  persisted  in 
the  restriction  on  Missouri,  until  it  should  have  ter 
minated  in  a  convention  of  the  States  to  revise  and 
amend  the  Constitution.  This  would  have  produced 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES.     149 

a  new  Union  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  States  unpol 
luted  with  slavery,  with  a  great  and  glorious  object 
—  that  of  rallying  to  their  standard  the  other  States 
"by  the  universal  emancipation  of  their  slaves.  If  the 
Union  must  be  dissolved,  slavery  is  precisely  the  ques 
tion  upon  which  it  ought  to  break.  For  the  present, 
however,  this  contest  is  laid  asleep." 

The  promotion  of  internal  improvements  and 
the  defence  of  the  seaboard  had  naturally 
come  to  the  front  as  important  questions  during 
the  momentous  events  of  Madison's  administra 
tion.  Monroe  took  up  these  matters  in  earnest 
when  the  chief  responsibility  of  guiding  the 
national  policy  devolved  upon  him,  but  it  was 
not  until  1822  that  he  felt  called  -upon  to  an 
nounce  his  views  in  an  elaborate  paper.  He 
vetoed  the  Cumberland  Road  bill  on  May  4, 
and  he  simultaneously  submitted  to  Congress 
an  exposition  of  his  views.  His  long  state 
ment  concludes  with  the  assertion  that  Congress 
has  not  the  right  under  the  Constitution  to 
adopt  and  execute  a  system  of  internal  im 
provements,  but  that  such  a  power,  if  it  could 
be  secured  by  a  constitutional  amendment, 
would  have  the  happiest  effect  on  all  the  great 
interests  of  the  Union  ;  though,  in  his  opinion, 
it  should  be  confined  to  great  national  works, 
leaving  to  the  separate  States  all  minor  im 
provements. 


150  JAMES  MONROE. 

Near  the  close  of  Monroe's  presidency,  La 
fayette  made  his  celebrated  visit  to  the  United 
States  as  "  the  nation's  guest."  These  two 
men  had  been  friends  from  the  days  when  they 
were  both  in  the  Revolutionary  army.  When 
Lafayette  was  a  prisoner  in  Olmiitz  and  Mon 
roe  was  American  minister  in  France,  efforts 
were  made  by  the  latter  to  secure  the  former's 
release.  Several  letters  are  before  me  l  which 
relate  to  the  negotiations.  Funds  were  sent  by 
Washington  to  Monroe  for  the  benefit  of 
Madame  Lafayette.  As  the  United  States  had 
no  minister  near  the  Austrian  court,  the  medi 
ation  of  the  Danish  government  was  solicited 
by  Monroe.  Carefully  covered  references  to 
"the  friend  in  question"  were  addressed  by 
Monroe  to  Mr.  Masson,  aide-de-camp  of  Lafay 
ette.  But  the  details  of  this  story  belong  else 
where.  They  are  here  alluded  to  because  they 
indicate  the  recollections  shared  by  these  two 
patriots  when  they  met  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  afterwards,  and  Monroe,  as  President 
and  as  friend,  welcomed  Lafayette  to  the  hos 
pitality  of  the  United  States. 

On   May   10,    1824,   the     French    Marquis, 

"  with  feelings  of  respectful,  affectionate,  and 

patriotic  gratitude,"  accepted  the  invitation  of 

Congress,  and  promised  to  visit  "  the  beloved 

1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.    151 

land  "  of  which  it  had  been  his  "  happy  lot  to 
become  an  early  soldier  and  an  adopted  son." 
Early  in  October,  after  his  landing  in  this 
country,  the  members  of  Monroe's  cabinet  were 
in  doubt  as  to  the  etiquette  which  should  be 
observed  at  the  reception  of  this  illustrious 
visitor  in  Washington,  and  also  as  to  the  atti 
tude  which  the  administration  should  take  dur 
ing  the  progress  of  his  journey.  Calhoun,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  addressed  a  letter  of  eight 
pages  to  Mr.  Monroe  on  this  matter,  saying 
that  it  seemed  "  hazardous  on  the  one  side  to 
connect  the  government  too  much  with  the 
movements  in  favor  of  the  General,  and  on  the 
other  not  to  seem  to  sympathize  with  the  pop 
ular  feelings.  Of  the  two,  however,  the  latter 
is  the  most  hazardous,  and  in  a  doubtful  case 
we  ought  to  err  on  the  right  side."  A  few 
days  later  Monroe  answered  some  inquiries 
from  Lafayette  respecting  his  route,  and  added 
that  his  arrival  "  has  given  rise  to  a  great  polit 
ical  movement  which  has  so  far  taken  the  direc 
tion  and  had  the  effect  among  us,  and  I  pre 
sume  in  Europe,  which  the  best  friends  to  you 
and  to  sound  principles  could  desire.  It  is  of 
great  importance  that  it  should  terminate  in 
like  manner."  The  letters  from  the  visitor  to 
his  host  are  most  familiar.  In  one  of  them  he 
says,  '*  I  feel,  my  dear  sir,  the  impropriety  to 


152  JAMES  MONROE. 

address  the  President  of  the  United  States  on 
a  half  sheet  of  paper,  but  am  pressed  by  time, 
and  the  knowledge  of  the  sin  will  remain  be 
tween  you  and  me."  His  closing  salutations 
are  varied  and  glowing,  one  of  the  most  char 
acteristic  being,  "  from  your  old,  affectionate, 
obliged  brother-soldier  and  friend."  From  "  on 
board  the  Pottowmack  steam  boat,"  February 
24,  1825,  he  sends  to  Monroe  "  the  commentary 
on  Montesquieu,  by  my  friend  Tracy,  George's 
father-in-law,"  which  may  be  of  use  to  one 
who  "  contemplates  writing  a  political  exposi 
tion."  "  It  has  been  translated  under  the  pat 
ronage  of  Mr.  Jefferson  who  considers  it  the 
best  publication  of  the  kind.  You  will,  I  be 
lieve,  find  it  the  most  advanced  theoretical  point 
of  the  science,  although  the  practice  in  every 
detail  be  still  superior  to  theories."  1 

After  Lafayette's  return  to  France  his  letters 
to  Monroe  were  marked  by  the  same  confidence 
and  affection,  and  they  show  that  in  private 
life  he  was  as  charming  as  in  public  he  was 
popular.  Two  passages  will  be  quoted.  In  the 
first  he  speaks  as  follows  of  the  American  visit 
ors  introduced  to  him  at  Lagrange. 

"  I  am  afraid,  dear  friend,  you  continue  to  be  un 
easy  at  the  number  of  American  visits  we  are  wont 
to  receive.     Be  assured  nothing  can  be  more  pleasing 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES,     153 

to  me,  and  to  us  all ;  it  is  even  necessary.  You  know 
my  American  education,  feelings,  habits,  prejudices. 
.  .  .  Doomed  as  I  am  to  live  on  a  side  of  the  Atlan 
tic  where,  to  be  sure,  I  am  bound  by  family,  friendly, 
patriotic  affections  and  duties,  but  in  other  respects 
less  congenial  to  my  youthful  avocations  and  repub 
lican  nature,  I  ever  have  felt  something  peculiar 
and  sympathetic  in  American  communications,  a  dis 
position  which,  of  course,  has  been  strengthened  in 
my  last  visit,  when  in  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
of  a  population  of  twelve  millions,  I  have  found  a 
loving,  indeed  an  enthusiastic  friend.  You  may  con 
ceive  what,  in  addition  to  my  attachments  and  re 
membrances  of  more  than  fifty  years,  must  now  be  to 
me  the  United  States  and  every  sort  of  communion 
with  their  citizens.  The  visits  we  receive  are  not  by 
far  so  numerous  as  I  would  like  them,  and  the  feeling 
is  so  unanimous  in  the  family  that  young  American 
strangers  as  they  arrive  are  received  by  our  girls 
with  more  confidence  and  familiarity  than  they  would 
be  disposed  to  show  to  most  of  their  older  acquaint 
ances,  because  there  is  something  like  family  under 
standing  between  them  ;  and  so  I  have  the  delight  to 
see  that  when  American  friends  find  themselves  here 
in  sight  of  American  colors,  American  busts  and  por 
traits,  American  manners,  and  American  welcome, 
they  look  as  feeling  they  are  at  home.  Let  me  add 
that  the  sentiments,  behavior,  delicacy  of  all  the 
young  men  from  the  United  States  are  exemplary  to 
a  degree  which,  to  the  older  part  of  their  fellow-citi- 


154  JAMES  MONROE. 

zens,  is  an  object  of  inexpressible  and  proud  gratifi 
cation."  1 

In  the  second  extract,  the  reader  may  see 
with  what  extreme  delicacy  Lafayette  offers 
pecuniary  assistance  to  one  who  had  brought 
assistance  to  the  Olmiitz  prisoner  three  decades 
before. 

"  In  the  meanwhile,  my  dear  Monroe,  permit  your 
earliest,  your  best,  and  your  most  obliged  friend  to  be 
plain  with  you.  It  is  probable  that  to  give  you  time 
and  facilities  for  your  arrangements,  a  mortgage 
might  be  of  some  use. 

"  The  sale  of  one  half  of  my  Florida  property  is 
full  enough  to  meet  my  family  settlements  and  the 
wishes  of  my  neighbors.  There  may  be  occasion  for 
a  small  retrocession  of  acres,  in  case  of  some  claims 
on  the  disposed-of  Louisiana  lands,  an  object  as  yet 
uncertain,  at  all  events  inconsiderable,  so  that  there 
will  remain  ample  security  for  a  large  loan,  for  I  un 
derstand  the  lands  are  very  valuable,  and  will  be 
more  so,  to  a  great  extent,  after  the  disposal  of  a  part 
of  them.  You  remember  that  in  similar  embarrass 
ment  I  have  formerly  accepted  your  intervention,  it 
gives  me  a  right  to  reciprocity.  Our  friend,  Mr. 
Graham,  has  my  full  powers.  Be  pleased  to  peruse 
the  inclosed  letter,  seal  it,  and  put  it  in  the  post- 
office.  I  durst  not  send  it  before  I  had  obtained 
your  approbation,  yet  should  it  be  denied,  I  would 
feel  much  mortified.  I  hope,  I  know,  you  are  too 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.    155 

much  my  friend  not  to  accept  what,  in  a  similar  case, 
I  would  not  an  instant  hesitate  to  ask."  1 

When  Monroe's  second  term  was  almost 
ended  the  rivalries  for  the  succession  became 
very  apparent.  Adams,  Crawford,  and  Cal- 
houn  in  his  cabinet,  Clay  and  Jackson  outside 
of  it,  were  all  recognized  candidates.  Monroe 
remained  neutral  in  the  contest.  The  biogra 
pher  of  William  Wirt,2  with  ample  materials  at 
his  command  for  forming  a  judgment,  says :  — 

"  During  the  pendency  of  this  contest,  Mr.  Monroe 
observed  a  most  scrupulous  resolve  against  all  inter 
ference  with  the  freest  expression  of  the  public  senti 
ment  in  regard  to  the  candidates.  In  this  he  was 
fully  seconded  and  sustained  by  his  cabinet,  by  none 
more  than  by  those  whose  names  were  in  the  lists  for 
suffrage.  For,  at  that  time,  it  was  not  considered 
decorous  in  the  Executive  to  make  itself  a  partisan  in 
a  presidential  or  any  other  election.  Indeed,  there 
was  a  most  wholesome  fastidiousness  exhibited  on 
this  point,  which  would  have  interpreted  the  attempt 
of  a  cabinet  officer,  or  any  other  functionary  of  the 
government,  to  influence  the  popular  vote  by  speech, 
by  writing,  by  favor,  fear,  or  affection,  as  a  great 
political  misdemeanor  worthy  of  sharpest  rebuke. 
These  were  opinions  of  that  day  derived  from  an 
elder  age.  They  are  obsolete  opinions  now." 

1  Gouverneur  MSS.    I  do  not  know  whether  Monroe  availed 
himself  of  this  generous  offer,  but  I  presume  that  he  did  not. 

2  Hon.  J.  P.  Kennedy,  in  his  Life  of  Wirt,\\.  168. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE   MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

THERE  is  an  important  subject,  pertaining 
to  Monroe's  administration,  which  has  been  re 
served  for  a  special  chapter.  The  one  event  of 
his  presidency  which  is  indissolubly  associated 
with  his  name,  is  an  announcement  of  the  pol 
icy  of  the  United  States  in  respect  to  foreign 
interference  in  the  affairs  of  this  continent. 
The  declaration  bears  the  name  of  the  "  Mon 
roe  Doctrine."  As  such  it  is  discussed  in 
works  on  public  law  and  in  general  histories. 
It  is  commonly  regarded  as  an  epitome  of  the 
principles  of  the  United  States  with  respect  to 
the  development  of  American  States. 

.  Everything  which  illustrates  the  genesis  of 
such  an  important  enunciation  is  of  interest, 
but  very  little  has  come  under  my  eye  to  illus 
trate  the  workings  of  Monroe's  mind,  or  to  show 
how  it  came  to  pass  that  he  uttered  in  such 
,terse  sentences  the  general  opinion  of  his  coun 
trymen.  As  a  rule,  he  was  not  very  skilful  with 
his  pen  ;  his  remarks  on  public  affairs  are  not 
often  quoted,  like  those  of  Jefferson,  Madison, 


I    THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  157 

and  others  of  his  contemporaries  ;  there  was 
nothing  racy  or  severe  in  his  style ;  nevertheless, 
he  alone  of  all  the  Presidents  has  announced, 
without  legislative  sanction,  a  political  dictum, 
which  is  still  regarded  as  fundamental  law,  and 
bears  with  it  the  stamp  of  authority  in  foreign 
courts  as  well  as  in  domestic  councils. 

We  must  turn  to  the  annual  message  of  De 
cember  2,  1823,  for  the  text.  The  two  passages 
which  relate  to  foreign  interference  are  quite 
distinct  from  one  another,  and  are  separated  by 
the  introduction  of  other  matter.  This  is  the 
language  :  — 

i. 

"  At  the  proposal  of  the  Russian  imperial  govern 
ment,  made  through  the  minister  of  the  Emperor 
residing  here,  a  full  power  and  instructions  have  been 
transmitted  to  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at 
St.  Petersburg!!,  to  arrange,  by  amicable  negotiation, 
the  respective  rights  and  interests  of  the  two  nations 
on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent.  A  similar 
proposal  had  been  made  by  his  imperial  majesty  to 
the  government  of  Great  Britain,  which  has  likewise 
been  acceded  to.  The  government  of  the  United 
States  has  been  desirous,  by  this  friendly  proceeding, 
of  manifesting  the  great  value  which  they  have  in 
variably  attached  to  the  friendship  of  the  Emperor, 
and  their  solicitude  to  cultivate  the  best  understand 
ing  with  his  government.  In  the  discussions  to  which 
this  interest  has  given  rise  and  in  the  arrangements 


158  JAMES  MONROE. 

by  which  they  may  terminate,  the  occasion  has  been 
judged  proper  for  asserting,  as  a  principle  in  which 
the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States  are  in 
volved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the  free  and 
independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed  and 
maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as 
subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
powers." , 

ii. 

"  It  was  stated  at  the  commencement  of  the  last 
session  that  a  great  effort  was  then  making  in  Spain 
and  Portugal  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  people 
of  those  countries,  and  that  it  appeared  to  be  con 
ducted  with  extraordinary  moderation.  It  need 
scarcely  be  remarked  that  the  result  has  been  so  far 
very  different  from  what  was  then  anticipated.  Of 
events  in  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  with  which  we 
have  so  much  intercourse  and  from  which  we  derive 
our  origin,  we  have  always  been  anxious  and  inter 
ested  spectators.  The  citizens  of  the  United  States 
cherish  sentiments  the  most  friendly  in  favor  of  the 
the  liberty  and  happiness  of  their  fellow  men  on  that 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  the  wars  of  the  European 
powers,  in  matters  relating  to-  themselves,  we  have 
never  taken  any  part,  nor  does  it  comport  with  our 
policy  so  to  do.  It  is  only  when  our  rights  are  in 
vaded  or  seriously  menaced,  that  we  resent  injuries 
or  make  preparation  for  our  defence.  With  the 
movements  in  this  hemisphere  we  are,  of  necessity, 
more  immediately  connected  and  by  causes  which 
must  be  obvious  to  all  enlightened  and  impartial  ob- 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  159 

servers.  The  political  system  of  the  allied  powers 
is  essentially  different  in  this  respect  from  that  of 
America.  This  difference  proceeds  from  that  which 
exists  in  their  respective  governments.  And  to  the 
defence  of  our  own,  which  has  been  achieved  by  the 
loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by 
the  wisdom  of  their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and 
under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity, 
this  whole  nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore, 
to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  those  powers  to  declare 
that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to 
extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere 
as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  ex 
isting  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European 
power  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not  inter 
fere.  But  with  the  governments  who  have  declared 
their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  inde 
pendence  we  have,  on  great  consideration  and  on  just 
principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  in 
terposition  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or 
controlling  in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any 
European  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  man 
ifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  the 
United  States.  In  the  war  between  those  new  gov 
ernments  and  Spain  we  declared  our  neutrality  at 
the  time  of  their  recognition,  and  to  this  we  have 
adhered  and  shall  continue  to  adhere,  provided  no 
change  shall  occur  which,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
competent  authorities  of  this  government,  shall  make 
a  corresponding  change  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  indispensable  to  their  security. 


160  JAMES  MONROE. 

"  The  late  events  in  Spain  and  Portugal  show  that 
Europe  is  still  unsettled.  Of  this  important  fact  no 
stronger  proof  can  be  adduced  than  that  the  allied 
powers  should  have  thought  it  proper,  on  a  principle 
satisfactory  to  themselves,  to  have  interposed  by  force 
in  the  internal  concerns  of  Spain.  To  what  extent 
such  interposition  may  be  carried  on  the  same  prin 
ciple,  is  a  question  to  which  all  independent  powers, 
whose  governments  differ  from  theirs,  are  interested; 
even  those  most  remote,  and  surely  none  more  so 
than  the  United  States.  Our  policy  in  regard  to 
Europe,  which  was  adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the 
wars  which  have  so  long  agitated  that  quarter  of  the 
globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same,  which  is,  not  to 
interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  any  of  its 
powers ;  to  consider  the  government  de  facio  as  the 
legitimate  government  for  us ;  to  cultivate  friendly 
relations  with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a 
frank?  firm,  and  manly  policy;  meeting,  in  all  in 
stances,  the  just  claims  of  every  power,  submitting 
to  injuries  from  none.  But  in  regard  to  these  conti 
nents,  circumstances  are  eminently  and  conspicuously 
different.  It  is  impossible  that  the  allied  powers 
should  extend  their  political  system  to  any  portion  of 
either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace  and 
happiness ;  nor  can  any  one  believe  that  our  southern 
brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their 
own  accord.  It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that 
we  should  behold  such  interposition,  in  any  form,  with 
indifference.  If  we  look  to  the  comparative  strength 
and  resources  of  Spain  and  those  new  governments, 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  161 

and  their  distance  from  each  other,  it  must  be  ob 
vious  that  she  can  never  subdue  them.  It  is  still  the 
true  policy  of  the  United  States  to  leave  the  parties 
to  themselves,  in  the  hope  that  other  powers  will  pur 
sue  the  same  course." 

It  appears  to  me  probable  that  Monroe  had 
but  little  conception  of  the  lasting  effect  which 
his  words  would  produce.  He  spoke  what  he 
believed  and  what  he  knew  that  others  be 
lieved  ;  he  spoke  under  provocation,  and  aware 
that  his  views  might  be  controverted ;  he  spoke 
with  authority  after  consultation  with  his  cabi 
net,  and  his  words  were  timely ;  but  I  do  not 
suppose  that  he  regarded  this  announcement  as 
his  own.  Indeed,  if  it  had  been  his  own  decree 
or  ukase  it  would  have  been  resented  at  home 
quite  as  vigorously  as  it  would  have  been  op 
posed  abroad.  It  was  because  he  pronounced 
not  only  the  opinion  then  prevalent,  but  a  tra 
dition  of  other  days  which  had  been  gradu 
ally  expanded,  and  to  which  the  country  was 
wonted,  that  his  words  carried  with  them  the 
sanction  of  public  law.  A  careful  examination 
of  the  writings  of  the  earlier  statesmen  of  the 
Republic  will  illustrate  the  growth  of  the  Mon 
roe  doctrine  as  an  idea  dimly  entertained  at 
first,  but  steadily  developed  by  the  course  of 
public  events  and  the  reflection  of  those  in  pub 
lic  life.  I  have  not  made  a  thorough  search, 
11 


162  JAMES  MONROE. 

but  some  indications  of  the  mode  in  which  the 
doctrine  was  evolved  have  come  under  my  eye 
which  may  hereafter  be  added  to  by  a  more 
persistent  investigator. 

The  idea  of  independence  from  foreign  sover 
eignty  was  at  the  beginning  of  our  national  life. 
The  term  "  continental,"  applied  to  the  army, 
the  congress,  the  currency,  had  made  familiar 
the  notion  of  continental  independence.  This 
kept  in  mind  the  notion  of  a  continental  do 
main.  Moreover,  in  the  writings,  both  public 
and  private,  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  we 
see  how  clearly  they  recognized  the  value  of 
separation  from  European  politics,  and  of  re 
pelling,  as  far  as  possible,  European  interfer 
ence  with  American  interests. 

1.  Governor  Thomas  Pownall,  in  a  work  en 
titled  "  A  Memorial  to  the  Sovereigns  of  Eu 
rope,"  observed,  in  1780,  that  a  people  "  whose 
empire   stands   singly  predominant  on  a  great 
continent "  can  hardly  "  suffer  in  their  borders 
such  a  monopoly  as  the  European  Hudson  Bay 
Company  ;  "  and  again,  "  America  must  avoid 
complication  with  European  politics,"  or  "  the 
entanglement  of  alliances,  having  no  connections 
with  Europe  other  than  commercial."  l 

2.  One  of  the  earliest  of  like  allusions  hap- 

1  These  citations  from  Pownall  are  taken  from  Sumner's 
Prophetic  Voices  concerning  America,  pp.  123,  124. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  163 

pens  to  be  in  a  letter  of  Monroe  to  Madison, 
December  6,  1784,  when  he  says  that  "  the 
conduct  of  Spain  respecting  the  Mississippi, 
etc.,  requires  the  immediate  attention  of  Con 
gress." 

3.  A  few  months  later,  June  17, 1785,  Jeffer 
son,  writing  to  Monroe  from  Paris,  begs  him  to 
add  his  "  testimony  to  that  of  every  thinking 
American,  in  order  to  satisfy  our  countrymen 
how  much  it  is  their  interest  to  preserve,  unin- 
fected  by  contagion,  those  peculiarities  in  their 
government  and  manners  to  which  they  are  in 
debted  for  those  blessings." 

4.  Washington  wrote  to  Jefferson,  January 
1, 1788,  in  the  interval  which  preceded  the  rati 
fication  of  the  Constitution  : l    "  An  energetic 
general  government  must  prevent  the  several 
States  from  involving  themselves  in  the  polit 
ical  disputes  of  the  European  powers." 

5.  When  Washington's  first  term  drew  near 
its  close  he  submitted  to  Madison  the  draft  of 
a  farewell  address  (May  20,  1792),  and  in  it 
he  gives  emphasis  to  the  independence  of  the 
United  States,  in  a  phrase  which  with  various 
turns  was  perpetuated  through  the  subsequent 
revisions  of  that  paper.     His  original  language 
was  this :  "  The  extent  of  our  country,  the  di- 

1  Quoted  by  Bancroft  from  MS.,  Hist,  of  the  Constitution,  ii. 
299. 


164  JAMES  MONROE. 

versity  of  our  climate  and  soil,  and  the  various 
productions  of  the  States  consequent  to  both, 
...  may  render  the  whole,  at  no  distant  pe 
riod,  one  of  the  most  independent  nations  in  the 
world." 

6.  Madison's  modification  of  this  draft  has 
the  following  sentence  (June  20,  1792)  :  "  The 
diversities    [of  this  country]   may  give  to  the 
whole   a  more    entire  independence   than  has, 
perhaps,  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  nation." 

7.  Four  years  later  (prior  to  May  10,  1796), 
Washington  submits  to  Hamilton  memoranda 
for  a  farewell  address,  and   says  again  :    "  If 
this  country  can  remain  in  peace  twenty  years 
longer  .  .  .  such  in  all  probability  will  be  its 
population,   riches,  and   resources,  when    com 
bined,    with    its  peculiarly   happy   and  remote 
situation  from  the  other  quarters  of  the  globe, 
as  to  lid  defiance  in  a  just  cause  to  any  earthly 
power  whatsoever" 

8.  The   address   finally  issued,  says:    "The 
great  rule  of  conduct  for  us  in  regard  to  foreign 
nations  is,  in  extending  our  commercial  relations, 
to  have  with  them  as  little  political  connection 
as  possible."     "  Europe  has  a  set  of  primary 
interests  which  to  us  have  none   or  a  very  re 
mote  relation."    "  Our  detached  and  distant  sit 
uation."     "  Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so 
peculiar  a  situation?"     (September  17,  1796.) 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  165 

9.  John  Adams  speaks  thus  in  his  first  in 
augural  address   (March  4,  1797):    "If   [the 
control  of  an  election]  can  be  obtained  by  for 
eign  nations  by  flattery  or  menaces,  by  fraud 
or  violence,  by  terror,  intrigue,  or  venality,  the 
government  may  not  be  the  choice  of  the  Amer 
ican  people  but  of  foreign  nations.     It  may  be 
foreign  nations  ivJio  govern  us,  and  not  we  the 
people  who  govern  ourselves." 

10.  In  the  second  annual  address  of  Adams 
this  paragraph  occurs  (December  8,  1798) :  — 

"  To  the  usual  subjects  of  gratitude  I  cannot  omit 
to  add  one  of  the  first  importance  to  our  well-being 
and  safety  —  I  mean  that  spirit  which  has  arisen  in 
our  country  against  the  menaces  and  aggressions  of 
a  foreign  nation.  A  manly  sense  of  national  honor, 
dignity,  and  independence  has  appeared,  which,  if  en 
couraged  and  invigorated  by  every  branch  of  the 
government,  will  enable  us  to  view  undismayed  the 
enterprises  of  any  foreign  power,  and  become  the 
sure  foundation  of  national  prosperity  and  glory." 

11.  There  are  three  extracts  from  Jefferson's 
writings  which  show  the  tendency  of  his  mind 
at  the  beginning  of  the   century.     He  said  to 
Thomas  Paine  (March  18,  1801)  :  *  — 

"  Determined  as  we  are  to  avoid,  if  possible,  wast 
ing  the  energies  of  our  people  in  war  and  destruction, 
we  shall  avoid  implicating  ourselves  with  the  powers 
1  Jefferson's  Works,  iv.  370. 


166  JAMES  MONROE. 

of  Europe,  even  in  support  of  principles  which  we 
mean  to  pursue.  They  have  so  many  other  interests 
different  from  ours,  that  we  must  avoid  being  entan 
gled  in  theniy  We  believe  we  can  enforce  those  prin 
ciples,  as  to  ourselves,  by  peaceable  means,  now  that 
we  are  likely  to  have  our  public  councils  detached 
from  foreign  views." 

A  little  later  he  wrote  to  William  Short  (Oc 
tober  3,  1801)  i1  — 

"  We  have  a  perfect  horror  at  everything  like 
connecting  ourselves  with  the  politics  of  Europe. 
It  would  indeed  be  advantageous  to  us  to  have  neu 
tral  rights  established  on  a  broad  ground  ;  but  no  de 
pendence  can  be  placed  in  any  European  coalition 
for  that.  They  have  so  many  other  by-interests  of 
greater  weight  that  some  one  or  other  will  always 
be  bought  off.  To  be  entangled  with  them  would  be 
a  much  greater  evil  than  a  temporary  acquiescence  in 
the  false  principles  which  have  prevailed." 

Again  he  says  (October  29,  1808):  "We 
consider  their  interests  and  ours  as  the  same, 
and  that  the  object  of  both  most  be  to  exclude 
all  European  influence  in  this  hemisphere."  2 

1  Works,  iv.  414. 

2  This  quotation  is  made  by  Schouler  in  a  note,  where  he 
says,  "  The  germ  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  of  later  develop 
ment  is  early  seen  in  Jefferson's  correspondence  in  view  of  the 
Spanish  uprising  against  Bonaparte  and  its  possible  effects 
upon  Cuba  and  Mexico,  which  he  is  well  satisfied  to  leave  in 
their  present  dependence."    Hist,  of  the  United  States,  ii.  202. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  167 

12.  At  a  cabinet  meeting  May  13, 1818,  Pres 
ident  Monroe  propounded  several  questions  on 
the   subject   of   foreign    affairs,  of    which   the 
fifth,  as  recorded  by  J.  Q.  Adams,1  was  this : 
"  Whether  the  ministers  of  the  United  States 
in  Europe  shall  be  instructed  that  the  United 
States  will  not  join  in  any  project  of  interpo 
sition  between  Spain  and  the  South  Americans, 
which  should  not  be  is  promote  the  complete  in 
dependence  of  those  provinces;    and  whether 
measures  shall  be  taken  to  ascertain  if  this  be 
the  policy  of  the  British  government,  and  if  so 
to  establish  a  concert  with  them  for  the  sup 
port  of  this  policy."      He  adds  that  all  these 
points  were  discussed,  without  much  difference 
of  opinion. 

13.  On  July  31,  1818,  Rush  had  an  impor 
tant  interview  with  Castelreagh  in  respect  to  a 
proposed  mediation   of  Great  Britain  between 
Spain  and  her  colonies.     The  cooperation   of 
the  United  States  was  desired.     Mr.  Rush  in 
formed  the  British  minister  that  "  the  United 
States  would  decline  taking  part,  if  they  took 
part  at  all,  in  any  plan  of  pacification,  except 
on  the  basis  of  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 
This,"  he  added,  "  was  the   determination  to 
which  his  government  had  come  on  much  delib 
eration" 

1  Diary,  iv. 


168  JAMES  MONROE. 

14.  August  4,  1820,  Jefferson  writes  to  Wil 
liam  Short:1  — 

"  From  many  conversations  with  him  [M.  Cor- 
rea,  appointed  minister  to  Brazil  by  the  government 
of  Portugal],  I  hope  he  sees,  and  will  promote  in 
his  new  situation,  the  advantages  of  a  cordial  fra 
ternization  among  all  the  American  nations,  and  the 
importance  of  their  coalescing  in  an  American  system 
of  policy,  totally  independent  of  and  unconnected 
with  that  of.  Europe.  The  day  is  not .  diitanLwheja 
we  may  formally ^require  a  jneridian  -of -.petition, 
through  the  ocean  which  separates  the  two  hemi- 
spheres,  on  the  hitlier  side  of  which  no  European 
gun  shall  ever  be  heard,  nor  an  American  on  the 
other ;  and  when,  during  the  rage  of  the  eternal  wars 
of  Europe,  the  lion  and  the  lamb,  within  pur  regions, 
shall  lie  down  together  in  peace.  .  .  .  The  princi 
ples  of  society  there  and  here,  then,  are  radically  dif 
ferent,  and  I  hope  no  American  patriot  will  ever  lose 
sight  of  the  essential  policy  of  interdicting  in  the 
seas  and  territories  of  both  Americas,  the  ferocious 
and  sanguinary  contests  of  Europe.  I  wish  to  see 
this  coalition  begun." 

15.  Gallatin  writes  to  J.  Q.  Adams,  June  24, 
1823,  that  before  leaving  Paris  be  had  said  to 
M.  Chateaubriand  on   May  13,  "  The  United 
States  would  undoubtedly  preserve  their  neu 
trality  provided  it  were  respected,  and  avoid 

i  Randall's  Jefferson,  iii.  472. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  169 

every  interference  with  the  politics  of  Europe. 
.  .  .  On  the  other  hand,  they  would  not  suffer 
others  to  interfere  against  the  emancipation  of 
America."  1 

A  year  previously,  April  26,  1822,  he  had 
written  from  Paris  that  he  had  said  to  Mon 
sieur,  "America,  having  acquired  the  power,  had 
determined  to  be  no  longer  governed  by  Eu 
rope,  .  .  .  that  we  had  done  it  [recognized  the 
independence  of  the  Spanish- American  prov 
inces]  without  any  reference  to  the  form  of 
government  adopted  by  the  several  provinces, 
and  that  the  question,  being  one  of  national  in 
dependence,  was  really  altogether  unconnected 
with  any  of  those  respecting  internal  institu 
tions  which  agitated  Europe." 

16.  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his  diary  under 
date  of  July  17,  1823,  makes  a  note  which  the 
editor  of  that  work  regards  as  "  the  first  hint  of 
the  policy  so  well  known  afterwards  as  the  Mon 
roe  Doctrine."  2  In  a  conversation  with  Baron 
Tuyl,  the  Russian  minister,  on  the  Northwest 
Coast  question,  Mr.  Adams,  then  Secretary  of 
State,  told  him  that  uwe  should  contest  the 
right  of  Russia  to  any  territorial  establishment 
on  this  continent,  and  that  we  should  assume 
distinctly  the  principle  that  the  American  con- 

1  Writings  of  Gallatin,  by  Adams,  ii.  p.  271  j  ii.  p.  240. 

2  Diary,  vi.  163. 


170  JAMES  MONROE. 

tinents   are   no  longer  subjects   for   any   new 
European  colonial  establishments." 

17.  After  Canning  had  proposed  to  Rush 
(September  19,  1823)  that  the  United  States 
should  cooperate  with  England  in  preventing 
European  interference  with  the  Spanish-Amer 
ican  colonies,  Monroe  consulted  Jefferson  as 
well  as  the  cabinet,  on  the  course  which  it  was 
advisable  to  take,  and  with  their  approbation 
prepared  his  message.  Jefferson's  reply  to  the 
President  (October  24,  1823)  was  as  follows  : l 

"  The  question  presented  by  the  letters  you  have 
sent  me  is  the  most  momentous  which  has  ever  been 
offered  to  my  contemplation  since  that  of  Independ 
ence.  That  made  us  a  nation,  this  sets  our  compass 
and  points  the  course  which  we  are  to  steer  through 
the  ocean  of  time  opening  on  us.  And  never  could 
we  embark  on  it  under  circumstances  more  auspicious. 
Our  first  and  fundamental  maxim  should  be,  never  to 
entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils  of  Europe.  Our  sec 
ond,  never  to  suffer  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  cis- 
Atlantic  affairs.  America,  North  and  South,  has  a 
set  of  interests  distinct  from  those  of  Europe,  and 
peculiarly  her  own.  She  should  therefore  have  a 
system  of  her  own,  separate  and  apart  from  that  of 
Europe.  While  the  last  is  laboring  to  become  the 
domicile  of  despotism,  our  endeavor  should  surely  be, 
to  make  our  hemisphere  that  of  freedom." 

1  Randall,  iii.  491. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  171 

I  An  extract,  dated  1824,  and  recently  pub 
lished,  from  the  Diary  of  William  Plumer,  who 
was  a  member  of  Congress  during  Monroe's  ad 
ministration,  gives  to  John  Quincy  Adams  the 
credit  of  drafting  the  important  portions  of  the 
message.  He  says  that  a  day  or  two  before 
Congress  met  Monroe  was  hesitating  about  the 
allusion  to  the  interference  of  the  Holy  Alli 
ance  with  Spanish  America,  and  consulted  the 
Secretary  of  State  about  omitting  it.  Adams 
remained  firm,  replying,  "  You  have  my  senti 
ments  on  the  subject  already,  and  I  see  no  rea 
son  to  alter  them."  "Well,"  said  the  Presi 
dent,  "  it  is  written,  and  I  will  not  change  it 
now."  i 

Enough  has  been  quoted  to  show  that  Mr. 
Simmer2  is  not  justified  in  saying  that  the 
"Monroe  doctrine  proceeded  from  Canning," 
and  that  he  was  "  its  inventor,  promoter,  and 
champion,  at  least  so  far  as  it  bears  against 
European  intervention  in  American  affairs." 
Nevertheless,  Canning  is  entitled  to  high  praise 
for  the  part  which  he  took  in  the  recognition 
of  the  Spanish  republics,  a  part  which  almost 
justified  his  proud  utterance, u  I  called  the  New 
World  into  existence  to  redress  the  balance  of 
the  Old." 

1  Penn.  Mag.  of  Hist,  and  Biog.  vol.  vi.  No.  3,  p.  358. 

2  See  his  Prophetic  Voices,  pp.  157-160. 


172  JAMES  MONROE. 

If  memoranda  of  Monroe's  upon  this  subject 
are  still  extant  they  have  eluded  me.  There  is 
a  letter  to  him  from  one  of  his  family  (Decem 
ber  6)  praising  the  message,  and  adding  these; 
sentences  which  show  the  expectations  of  tho 
friends  of  the  administration.1 

"  You  have  a  full  indemnification  for  all  the  timo 
and  attention  it  may  have  cost  you,  in  the  sentimen ; 
which  has  accompanied  it  throughout  the  nation,  and 
I  mistake  greatly  if  it  do  not  excite  a  feeling  in  Eu 
rope  as  honorable  to  our  country  as  it  may  be  unac 
ceptable  to  many  there.  You  will  have  the  merit  o:: 
proposing  an  enlightened  system  of  policy,  whicl. 
promises  to  secure  the  united  liberties  of  the  New 
World,  and  to  counteract  the  deep  laid  schemes  in  the- 
Old  for  the  establishment  of  an  universal  despotism. 
The  sentiments  and  feelings  which  the  message  ex 
presses,  you  may  be  assured,  will  be  echoed  with 
pride  and  pleasure  from  every  portion  of  our  widely 
extended  country,  and  will  be  esteemed  to  have  given 
to  our  national  character  new  claims  upon  the  civil 
ized  world. 

"  The  operation  of  your  message  also  upon  the 
reputation  of  your  own  administration  cannot  be 
mistaken.  Effecting  higher  objects,  it  will  also  be 
distinctly  traced  in  the  prostration  of  those  limited 
views  of  policy  which  have  infected  so  many  of  those 
who  have  been  intrusted  of  late  with  a  portion  of  the 
powers  and  character  of  our  country,  and  in  the 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  173 

diffusion  among  our  citizens  of  a  great  confidence 
in  the  general  administration,  so  essential  to  the 
prosperity  of  our  system.  By  giving  a  new  and  ex 
alted  direction  to  the  public  reflections,  a  tone  of 
feeling  and  expression  must  succeed  as  fatal  to  the 
pretended  patriots  of  the  two  last  years  as  it  will  be 
honorable  to  those  who,  at  the  risk  of  popularity, 
have  been  the  objects  of  their  clamorous  abuse." 1 

The  Monroe  doctrine  came  before  Congress 
in  less  than  three  years,  when  the  propriety  of 
sending. ministers  to  the  Congress  of  Panama 
was  debated.  Mr.  McLane  was  opposed  to  any 
course  which  should  bind  the  United  States  to 

w 

resist  interference  from  abroad  in  the  concerns 
of  the  South  American  governments,  and  Mr. 
Rives  wished  to  declare  still  more  explicitly 
that  the  United  States  was  not  pledged  to 
maintain  by  force  the  principle  that  no  part  of 
the  American  continent  was  henceforward  sub 
ject  to  colonization  by  any  European  power. 
Daniel  Webster  made  a  speech,  April  11,  1826, 
on  the  Panama  mission,  in  which  he  came  boldly 
to  the  defence  of  the  Monroe  doctrine.  The 
country's  honor,  he  said,  is  involved  in  that  dec 
laration  ;  "  I  look  upon  it  as  a  part  of  its  treas 
ures  of  reputation,  and  for  one  I  intend  to 
guard  it."  After  reviewing  the  political  history 

1  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Morse,  the  editor  of  this  series  of 
volumes,  for  four  of  these  citations. 


174  JAMES  MONROE. 

from  the  Congress  of  Verona  onward,  he  con 
tinued,  "  I  look  on  the  message  of  December. 
1823,  as  forming  a  bright  page  in  our  history. 
I  will  help  neither  to  erase  it  nor  tear  it  out : 
nor  shall  it  be  by  any  act  of  mine  blurred  01 
blotted.  It  did  honor  to  the  sagacity  of  the 
government  and  I  will  not  diminish  that  hon 
or."  i 

1  Works,  ill  205. 


CHAPTER  VIII..,. 

PERSONAL  ASPECT  AND  DOMESTIC  RELATIONS . 

LITTLE  has  been  said  hitherto  of  Monroe's 
domestic  and  personal  characteristics,  but  I 
cannot  close  the  narrative  without  some  refer 
ence  to  them, — beginning  with  a  mention  of 
his  happy  marriage  and  his  family  ties.  While 
attending  Congress  in  New  York,  he  became 
engaged  to  Miss  Eliza  Kortwright,  daughter  of 
Lawrence  Kortwright  of  that  city,  a  lady  of 
high  social  standing  and  of  great  beauty.  He 
consulted  his  relative  and  life-long  friend,  Judge 
Jones,  on  this  important  matter,  and  received 
from  him  this  counsel,  which,  however  admir 
able  for  its  discretion  and  caution,  was  certainly 
not  likely  to  influence  a  man  of  twenty-eight 
who  was  ardently  in  love. 

JUDGE   JONES    TO   JAMES    MONROE. 

"  You  will  act  prudently  (so  soon  as  you  deter 
mine  to  fix  yourself  to  business)  to  form  the  connec 
tion  you  propose  with  the  person  you  mention  or 
some  other,  as  your  inclination  and  convenience  shall 
dictate.  Sensibility  and  kindness  of  heart,  good- 


176  JAMES  MONROE. 

nature  without  levity,  a  moderate  share  of  gooc 
sense,  with  some  portion  of  domestic  experience  and 
economy,  will  generally,  if  united  in  the  female  char 
acter,  produce  that  happiness  and  benefit  which  re 
sults  from  the  married  state,  and  is  the  highest  humar. 
felicity  a  man  can  enjoy,  and  he  cannot  fail  to  enjoy 
it  when  he  is  blessed  with  a  companion  of  such  j. 
disposition  and  behavior,  unless  he  is  so  weak  and 
imprudent  as  to  be  his  own  tormentor.  You  havo 
reached  that  period  of  life  to  be  capable  of  thinking 
and  acting  for  yourself  in  this  delicate  and  interesting 
business,  and  I  can  only  assure  you  that  any  accom 
modation  I  shall  be  able  to  afford  you,  to  render 
yours  and  her  situation  agreeable  and  easy,  will  be 
cheerfully  afforded,  which,  should  fortune  be  want 
ing,  will  be  more  embarrassing  in  the  commencement 
than  any  after  period." 

It  does  not  appear  how  carefully  the  lover 
weighed  these  words  of  wisdom,  but  the  result 
of  his  own  reflections  appears  in  a  letter  to 
Madison,  in  which  be  announces  his  intended 
marriage. 

"  If  you  visit  this  place  shortly  I  will  present  you 
to  a  young  lady  who  will  be  adopted  a  citizen  of  Vir 
ginia  in  the  course  of  this  week." 

Three  months  later  be  writes  to  Jefferson  :  — 

"You  will  be  surprised  to  hear  that  I  have  formed 
the  most  interesting  connection  in  human  life  with  a 
young  lady  in  this  town,  as  you  know  my  plan  was 


DOMESTIC  RELATIONS.  177 

to  visit  you  before  I  settled  myself ;  but  having 
formed  an  attachment  to  this  young  lady  —  a  Miss 
Kortwright,  the  daughter  of  a  gentleman  of  respect 
able  character  and  connections  in  this  state,  though 
injured  in  his  fortunes  by  the  late  war  —  I  have 
found  that  I  must  relinquish  all  other  objects  not 
connected  with  her.  We  were  married  about  three 
months  since.  I  remain  here  until  the  fall,  at  which 
time  we  remove  to  Fredericksburg  in  Virginia,  where 
I  shall  settle  for  the  present  in  a  house  prepared  for 
me  by  Mr.  Jones,  to  enter  into  the  practice  of  the 
law." 

The  young  lawyer  had  doubted  where  to 
make  his  permanent  home,  and  his  friendly 
relative  went  over  the  field  carefully,  and  point 
ed  out  to  him  the  comparative  advantages  of 
Fredericksburg  and  Richmond,  with  particular 
reference  to  his  profession.  The  former  is  at 
length  determined  on,  and  the  choice  is  thus 
announced  to  Jefferson,  August  19,  1786  :  — 

"  I  shall  leave  this  about  the  1st  of  October  for 
Virginia,  —  Fredericksburg.  Believe  me,  I  have  not 
relinquished  the  prospect  of  being  your  neighbor. 
The  house  for  which  I  have  requested  a  plan  may 
possibly  be  erected  near  Monticello ;  to  fix  there,  and 
to  have  yourself  in  particular,  with  what  friends  we 
may  collect  around,  for  society  is  my  chief  object ; 
or  rather,  the  only  one  which  promises  to  me,  with 
the  connection  I  have  formed,  real  and  substantial 
12 


178  JAMES  MONROE. 

pleasure ;  if,  indeed,  by  the  name  of  pleasure  it  may 
be  called." 

There  were  two  children  of  this  marriage. 
Eliza,  who  married  Judge  George  Hay  of  Vir 
ginia;  and  Maria,  who  married  Samuel  L 
Gouverneur  of  New  York.  When  Monroe  was. 
in  Paris  his  elder  daughter  was  at  school  witl 
Hortense  Beauharnais,  who  became  Queen  o ' 
Holland,  and  their  teacher  was  the  celebrates 
Madame  Campan.  The  acquaintance  thus 
formed  became  a  warm  friendship.  The  child 
of  Monroe's  daughter  was  named  Hortense  o  • 
Hortensia,  after  Queen  Hortense,  who  retained 
a  warm  interest  in  her  namesake  through  he: 
life.  In  a  Baltimore  family  interesting  me 
mentos  of  this  intimacy  are  carefully  pre 
served.  Portraits  in  oil  of  Hortense  and  Eu 
gene  Beauharnais  and  of  Madame  Campan  were 
sent  to  Hortensia  Hay  by  the  former  queen, 
with  an  affectionate  letter,  and  there  are  rea 
sons  to  think  that  she  remembered  in  her  last 
will  her  American  namesake.1 

Monroe's  interest  in  the  various  members  of 
his  family  connection  is  marked  by  more  than     m 
ordinary    affection.       He   took   great  pains    to 
further  their  material  welfare,  and  make  them     m 

1  The  gentleman,  Charles  Wilmer,  Esq.,  who  owns  these 
valuable  pictures,  has  also  a  charming  miniature  of  Mrs.  Mou-      m 
roe,  painted  when  she  resided  in  Paris. 


DOMESTIC  RELATIONS.  179 

comfortable  in  their  outward  affairs,  but  he  was 
always  on  his  guard  against  using  his  official 
station  for  the  benefit  of  any  relative.  Just  as 
he  was  about  to  sail  for  Europe  he  gave  the  fol 
lowing  advice  to  a  nephew  (June  1794). 1  It 
indicates,  more  accurately  than  any  other  letter 
which  I  recall,  Monroe's  moral  principles. 

"  You  may  by  your  industry,  prudence,  and  studi 
ous  attention  to  your  business,  as  well  as  to  your 
books,  make  such  exertions  as  will  advance  your  for 
tune  and  reputation  in  the  world,  whereby  alone  your 
happiness  or  even  tranquillity  can  be  secured.  Not 
only  the  reality  of  these  virtues  must  be  possessed, 
but  such  an  external  must  be  observed  as  to  satisfy 
the  world  you  do  possess  them,  otherwise  you  will 
not  enjoy  their  confidence.  You  will  recollect,  like 
wise,  that  heretofore  your  youth  and  inexperience 
were  an  excuse  for  any  apparent  levity  or  irregular 
ity,  but  now  that  you  are  advancing  in  life,  have  a 
family  and  children,  the  case  is  altered.  Solid  merit 
and  virtue  alone  will  support  and  carry  you  with 
credit  through  the  world. 

"  The  principal  danger  to  which  a  young  man  com 
mencing  under  limited  resources  is  exposed,  and  in 
which,  if  he  errs,  he  inflicts  the  most  incurable  wound 
on  his  reputation,  is  the  abuse  of  pecuniary  confi 
dence.  Let  me,  therefore,  warn  you  never  to  use 
your  client's  money.  No  temptation  is  greater  to  a 
person  possessed  of  it  than  that  which  daily  arises 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


180  JAMES  MONROE. 

in  the  occurrences  of  a  private  family,  to  use  this 
money,  especially  when  the  prospect  of  reimbursement 
furnishes  the  hope  it  may  not  be  called  for.  But  a< 
the  commencement  of  this  practice  breaks  down  to  e, 
certain  degree  that  chaste  and  delicate  refinement, 
which  forms  the  strongest  barrier  for  the  protection 
of  virtue,  it  should  never  be  commenced. 

"  I  would  make  it  one  of  those  sacred  rules  of  my 
life  which  should  not  be  violated,  never  to  use  it.  1 
believe  you  have  no  passion  for  anything  of  that  kind. 
I  sincerely  hope  you  have  not.  I  suggest  this  hint, 
therefore,  rather  to  guard  you  against  a  danger  which 
assails  every  young  man,  than  that  I  believe  you 
likely  to  suffer  by  it.  I  mean  the  vice  of  gambling. 
I  recollect  there  is  a  billiard  table  near  you.  Let  mo 
warn  you  against  it.  A  passion  of  this  kind  will  con 
trol,  as  it  always  has,  every  other.  If  it  seizes  you, 
your  client's  money  will  not  be  safe  in  your  hands." 

Several  sketches  of  Monroe,  written  at  dif 
ferent  periods  of  his  life,  by  different  persons, 
will  next  be  given. 

1799-1802. 

William  Wirt,  in  the  "  Letters  of  a  British 
Spy,"  which  were  published  in  a  newspaper  in 
1803,  and  afterwards  reprinted  in  various  forms, 
drew  the  portrait  of  Monroe  at  the  time  when 
first  he  was  Governor.  It  is  an  interesting 
sketch  by  itself,  but  still  more  so  in  connection 
with  a  pendant  likeness  of  the  illustrious  Mar- 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  181 

shall,  whose  career  began  with  that  of  Monroe, 
in  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  and  whose 
life  was  almost  exactly  contemporaneous. 

"  In  his  stature,"  says  Wirt,  "  he  is  about  the  mid 
dle  height  of  men,  rather  firmly  set,  with  nothing 
further  remarkable  in  his  person,  except  his  muscular 
compactness  and  apparent  ability  to  endure  labor. 
His  countenance,  when  grave,  has  rather  the  expres 
sion  of  sternness  and  irascibility ;  a  smile,  however 
(and  a  smile  is  not  unusual  with  him  in  a  social  cir 
cle),  lights  it  up  to  very  high  advantage,  and  gives  it 
a  most  impressive  and  engaging  air  of  suavity  and 
benevolence. 

"  His  dress  and  personal  appearance  are  those  of 
a  plain  and  modest  gentleman.  He  is  a  man  of  soft, 
polite,  and  even  assiduous  attentions ;  but  these,  al 
though  they  are  always  well-timed,  judicious,  and 
evidently  the  offspring  of  an  obliging  and  philan 
thropic  temper,  are  never  performed  with  the  strik 
ing  and  captivating  graces  of  a  Marlborough  or  a 
Bolingbroke.  To  be  plain,  there  is  often  in  his  man 
ner  an  inartificial  and  even  an  awkward  simplicity, 
which,  while  it  provokes  the  smile  of  a  more  polished 
person,  forces  him  to  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Monroe  is 
a  man  of  a  most  sincere  and  artless  soul." 

This  is  but  a  portion  of  the  description. 


182  JAMES  MONROE. 

1825. 

A  letter  from  Mrs.  Tuley,  then  of  Virginia, 
recently  published,1  gives  the  following  picture 
of  the  last  levee  at  the  White  House,  on  New 
Year's  day,  during  Monroe's  administration. 
When  she  entered  the  reception-room, 

"  Mr.  Monroe  was  standing  near  the  door,  and  as 
we  were  introduced  we  had  the  honor  of  shaking 
hands  with  him  and  passing  the  usual  congratula 
tions  of  the  season.  My  impressions  of  Mr.  Monroe 
are  very  pleasing.  He  is  tall  and  well  formed.  His 
dress  plain  and  in  the  old  style,  small  clothes,  silk  hose, 
knee-buckles,  and  pumps  fastened  with  buckles.  His 
manner  was  quiet  and  dignified.  From  the  frank, 
honest  expression  of  his  eye,  which  is  said  to  be  '  the 
window  of  the  soul,'  I  think  he  well  deserves  the  en 
comium  passed  upon  him  by  the  great  Jefferson,  who 
said,  *  Monroe  was  so  honest  that  if  you  turned  his 
soul  inside  out  there  would  not  be  a  spot  on  it.' 

"  We  passed  on  and  were  presented  to  Mrs.  Mon 
roe  and  her  two  daughters,  Mrs.  Judge  Hay  and  Mrs. 
Gouverneur,  who  stood  by  their  mother  and  assisted 
her  in  receiving.  Mrs.  Monroe's  manner  is  very 
gracious  and  she  is  a  regal-looking  lady.  Her  dress 
was  superb  black  velvet ;  neck  and  arms  bare  and 
beautifully  formed  ;  her  hair  in  puffs  and  dressed 
high  on  the  head  and  ornamented  with  white  ostrich 
plumes  ;  around  her  neck  an  elegant  pearl  necklace. 
1  Philadelphia  Times. 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  183 

Though  no  longer  young,  she  is  still  a  very  hand 
some  woman.  You  remember  Mrs. told  us  that, 

when  Mr.  Monroe  was  sent  as  Minister  to  France, 
Mrs.  Monroe  accompanied  him,  and  in  Paris  she  was 
called  '  la  belle  Americaine.'  She  also  told  us  that 
she  was  quite  a  belle  in  New  York  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  Revolutionary  War.  Her  maiden  name  was 
Kortwright.  Mrs.  Judge  Hay  (the  President's  eldest 
daughter)  is  very  handsome  also  —  tall  and  graceful, 
and,  I  hear,  very  accomplished.  She  was  educated 
in  Paris  at  the  celebrated  boarding-school  kept  by 
Mme.  Campan,  and  among  her  intimate  school  friends 
was  the  beautiful  Hortense  de  Beauharnais,  step 
daughter  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  Her  dress  was 
crimson  velvet,  gold  cord  and  tassel  round  the  waist, 
white  plumes  in  the  hair,  handsome  jewelry,  bare 
neck  and  arms.  The  other  daughter,  Mrs.  Gouver- 
neur,  is  also  very  handsome  —  dress,  rich  white  satin, 
trimmed  with  a  great  deal  of  blonde  lace,  embroid 
ered  with  silver  thread,  bare  neck  and  arms,  pearl 
jewelry  and  white  plumes  in  the  hair.  By  the  by, 
plumes  in  the  hair  seem  to  be  the  most  fashionable 
style  of  head-dress  for  married  ladies. 

"All  the  lower  rooms  were  opened,  and  though 
well  filled,  not  uncomfortably  so.  The  rooms  were 
warmed  by  great  fires  of  hickory  wood  in  the  large 
open  fire-places,  and  with  the  handsome  brass  and 
irons  and  fenders  quite  remind  me  of  our  grand  old 
wood  fires  in  Virginia.  Wine  was  handed  about  in 
wine-glasses  on  large  silver  salvers  by  colored  wait 
ers,  dressed  in  dark  livery,  gilt  buttons,  etc.  I  sup- 


184  JAMES  MONROE. 

pose  some  of  them  must  have  come  from  Mr.  Mon 
roe's  old  family  seat,  '  Oak  Hill/  Virginia." 

»- 

1830. 

Here  is  an  autographic  sketch  of  the  ex-Presi 
dent's  literary  work,  addressed  to  Mr.  Gouver- 
neur : l — 

"  I  am  engaged  in  a  work  which  will  be  entitled 
6  A  biographical  and  historical  view  of  the  great 
events  to  which  Mr.  Monroe  was  a  party  and  of 
which  he  was  a  spectator  in  the  course  of  his  public 
service/  —  commencing  with  my  service  in  the  army, 
in  the  legislature  and  council  of  the  State,  in  the 
revolutionary  Congress  and  in  the  Senate.  I  have 
brought  it  to  the  conclusion  of  my  first  mission  to 
France,  which  would,  if  printed,  make  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  pages,  and  with  the  appendix, 
should  it  be  thought  advisable  to  add  one,  perhaps  as 
many  more.  This  work  to  this  stage  might  be  pub 
lished  at  an  early  period  as  introductory  to  the  se 
quel,  though,  I  being  closely  engaged  in  it,  I  could, 
if  I  have  health,  complete  the  whole  in  five  or  six 
months.  I  have  composed  in  part  another  work,  a 
comparison  between  our  government  and  the  ancient 
republics,  and  likewise  with  the  government  of  Eng 
land.  Of  this  I  have  already  extended  it  to  a  view 
of  the  government  of  Athens  and  Lacedemon,  of 
Greece,  of  Carthage,  with  notes  on  that  of  Rome,  to 
which  I  have  drawn  an  introductory  view  of  govern- 
1  Gouverneur  MSS. 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  185 

ment  and  society  as  the  basis  of  the  work.  This 
work  I  could  also  finish  in  about  the  same  time,  by 
Devoting  myself  to  it.  What  I  have  already  written 
would  occupy  more  pages  than  that  above  mentioned. 
My  correspondence,  when  in  the  War  Department,  of 
three  hundred  and  ninety-four  pages  folio,  I  mean 
my  own  letters  only,  is  another  work  which  I  intend 
at  a  proper  time  to  publish.  If  my  claims  are  re 
jected  I  should  wish  to  take  the  preparatory  steps  to 
a  publication,  by  suitable  notices  in  the  public  papers 
at  the  proper  time.  I  think  no  part  had  better  be 
published  until  that  part  is  finished ;  and  to  accom 
plish  which,  that  I  had  better  devote  myself  to  one 
of  the  works  mentioned,  exclusively  in  the  first  in 
stance,  the  biographical  one,  for  instance.  I  shall 
place  occurrences  and  develop  principles  by  a  faith 
ful  attention  to  facts,  manifesting  no  hostility  to  any 
one.  The  publication  of  any  part  cannot,  I  presume, 
be  made  till  the  fall,  and  no  notice  had  better  be 
taken  of  it  till  just  before." 

1830. 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  life  a  gentleman 
who  is  now  living  in  Charlottesville,  Va.,  Judge 
E.  R.  Watson,  was  a  member  of  Monroe's  fam 
ily,  and  retains  a  very  vivid  recollection  of  his 
appearance,  occupations,  and  characteristics.  He 
lias  been  so  kind  as  to  prepare  for  insertion  here 
the  following  reminiscences. 


186  JAMES  MONROE. 

Judge  Watson's  Recollections. 
"  In  person  Mr.  Monroe  was  about  six  feet 
high,  perhaps  rather  more;  broad  and  square- 
shouldered  and  raw-boned.  When  I  knew  him 
he  was  an  old  man  (more  than  seventy  years  of 
age),  and  he  looked  perhaps  even  older  than  he 
was,  his  face  being  strongly  marked  with  the 
lines  of  anxiety  and  care.  His  mouth  was  rather 
large,  his  nose  of  medium  size  and  well-shaped, 
his  forehead  broad,  and  his  eyes  blue  approach 
ing  gray.  Altogether  his  face  was  a  little 
rugged ;  and  I  do  not  suppose  he  was  ever 
handsome,  but  in  his  younger  days  he  must 
have  been  a  man  of  fine  physique,  and  capable 
of  great  endurance.  As  an  illustration  of  this, 
I  remember  hearing  him  say  that  immediately 
preceding  the  occupation  of  Washington  by  the 
British,  and  just  after  their  retreat  from  the 
city,  during  the  war  of  1812,  with  the  burden 
of  three  of  the  departments  of  the  government 
resting  upon  him,  —  State,  Treasury  and  War, 
—  he  did  not  undress  himself  for  ten  days  and 
nights,  and  was  in  the  saddle  the  greater  part 
of  the  time.  There  was  no  grace  about  Mr. 
Monroe,  either  in  appearance  or  manner.  He 
was,  in  fact,  rather  an  awkward  man,  and,  even 
in  his  old  age,  a  diffident  one.  Nevertheless, 
there  was  a  calm  and  quiet  dignity  about  him 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  187 

with  which  no  one  in  his  presence  could  fail 
to  be  impressed,  and  he  was  one  of  the  most 
polite  men  I  ever  saw  to  all  ranks  and  classes. 
It  was  his  habit,  in  his  ride  of  a  morning  or 
evening,  to  bow  and  speak  to  the  humblest 
slave  whom  he  passed  as  respectfully  as  if  he 
had  been  the  first  gentleman  in  the  neighbor 
hood.  I  have  heard  him  define  true  politeness 
as  4  right  feeling  controlled  by  good  common 
sense.' 

I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  witnessed  in  Mr. 
Monroe  any  actual  outbreak  of  temper,  but 
I  was  always  impressed  with  the  idea  that  he 
was  a  man  of  very  strong  feelings  and  pas 
sions,  which,  however,  he  had  learned  to  control 
perfectly.  I  never  heard  him  use  an  oath,  or 
utter  a  word  of  profanity,  and  hence  I  was 
quite  astonished  when,  on  one  occasion,  I  was 
talking  with  an  old  family  servant  about  a  gen 
tleman  who  swore  very  hard,  and  he  remarked, 
4  Bless  your  soul,  you  ought  to  hear  old  master ! 
He  can  give  that  man  two  in  the  deal  and  beat 
him.'  In  his  intercourse  with  his  family  he 
was  not  only  unvaryingly  kind  and  affection 
ate,  but  as  gentle  as  a  woman  or  a  child.  He 
was  wholly  unselfish.  The  wishes,  the  feelings, 
the  interests,  the  happiness,  of  others  were  al 
ways  consulted  in  preference  to  his  own. 

Being  quite  young  at  the  time,  I  was  not  a 


188  JAMES  MONROE. 

very  competent  judge,  but  my  recollection  is 
that  Mr.  Monroe's  conversational  powers  were 
not  of  a  high  order.     He  always  used  the  plain 
est,  simplest  language,  but  was  not  fluent,  and 
was,  it  seemed  to  me,  wholly  wanting  in  imag 
ination.    He  lacked  the  versatility,  and  I  should 
say  also  the  general  culture,  requisite  for  shin 
ing  in  the  social  circle,  but  was  always  inter 
esting  and  instructive  ;  when  with  good  listeners 
he  led  in  conversation,  and  talked  of  the  scenes 
and  events  through  which  he  had  passed,   et 
quorum  magna  pars  fuit.    Whilst  I  was  a  mem 
ber  of  Mr.  Monroe's   family   it  was  his  habit, 
when  the  weather  and  his  health  would  allow, 
and  the  presence  of  visitors  did  not  prevent,  to 
ride  out  morning  and  evening,  and  I  was  very 
often  his  only  companion.     On  these  occasions 
he  always  talked  of  the  past,  and  I  was  strongly 
impressed  with  the  idea  that  he  must  have  been 
in  his  public  career  essentially  a  man  of  action ; 
content  even  that  others  might  share  the  credit 
really  due  to  him,  if  he  could  only  enjoy  the 
consciousness  of  doing  his  duty  and  rendering 
his  country  service.     Love  of  country  and  de 
votion  to  duty  appeared  to  me  the  explanation 
of  his  success  in  life  and  the  honors  bestowed 
upon  him.     There  was  not  the  least  particle  of 
conceit  in  Mr.  Monroe,  and  yet  he  seemed  al 
ways  strongly  to  feel    that   he  had   rendered 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  189 

;  great  public  service.  From  Washington  to  John 
Quincy  Adams,  he  was  the  associate  and  co-la 
borer  of  the  greatest  and  best  men  of  his  day. 
Yet  he  had  no  feeling  of  envy  towards  any  of 
them  ;  and  though  he  felt  that  some  had  not 
always  treated  him  justly,  he  took  far  more 
pleasure  in  commending  their  high  qualities 
and  patriotic  services  than  in  referring  to  his 
wrongs,  real  or  imaginary. 

One  striking  peculiarity  about  Mr.  Monroe 
was  his  sensitiveness,  his  timidity  in  reference 
to  public  sentiment.  I  do  not  mean  as  it  re 
spected  his  past  public  life.  As  to  that  he 
appeared  to  feel  secure.  But  in  retirement  his 
great  care  seemed  to  be  to  do  and  say  nothing 
unbecoming  in  an  ex-President  of  the  United 
States.  He  thought  it  incumbent  on  him  to 
have  nothing  to  do  with  party  politics.  This 
was  beneath  the  dignity  of  an  ex-President,  and 
it  was  unjust  to  the  people  who  had  so  highly 
honored  him,  to  seek  to  throw  the  weight  of  his 
name  and  character  on  either  side  of  any  con 
test  between  them.  Hence  Mr.  Monroe,  after 
retiring  from  office,  rarely,  if  ever,  expressed  his 
opinions  of  public  men  or  measures,  except 
confidentially.  Over  and  over  again,  in  the 
early  days  of  Jackson's  administration,  did  he 
speak  freely  to  me  of  that  remarkable  man, 
of  Mr.  Calhoun,  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Clay,  and 


190  JAMES  MONROE. 

others  scarcely  less  prominent,  as  well  as  of  the 
principles  and  measures  with  which  they  were 
respectively  identified  ;  but  always  with  the  in 
junction  that  what  he  said  was  never  to  be  re 
peated.  I  recollect  well  to  this  day  some  of  his 
opinions  as  then  expressed,  and  have  often  re 
gretted  that  I  did  not  make  some  note  of  them 
all.  But  the  truth  is,  I  was  so  much  afraid 
that  in  some  unguarded  moment  I  might  betray 
the  confidence  reposed  in  me,  that  I  sought 
rather  to  forget  than  to  treasure  up  what  he  said 
about  men  and  measures  of  the  day. 

I  cannot  recall  more  than  a  single  instance  in 
which,  in  company,  he  expressed  any  opinion  as 
to  the  character  or  conduct  of  prominent  public 
men,  except  in  so  far  as  he  could  approve  and 
commend  them.  On  one  occasion  John  Ran 
dolph  of  Roanoke  was  the  subject  of  discussion 
among  several  gentlemen  present,  who  differed 
widely  in  their  estimates  of  his  character  and 
services.  Finally  Mr.  Monroe  was  appealed  to 
for  his  opinion  by  one  of  Mr.  Randolph's  ad 
mirers,  in  a  way  which  indicated  that  the  party 
addressing  him  scarcely  expected  any  direct 
answer.  Very  promptly,  however,  Mr.  Monroe 
replied,  '  Well,  Mr.  Randolph  is,  I  think,  a  cap 
ital  hand  to  pull  down,  but  I  am  not  aware  that 
he  has  ever  exhibited  much  skill  as  a  builder.' 

Mr.  Monroe's  official  life  was  marked  by  the 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  191 

same  deference  to  and  fear  of  offending  public 
sentiment.  My  impression  is  that  during  his 
whole  presidential  term  he  appointed  no  rela 
tive  or  near  connection  to  office.  Kis  two  sons- 
in-law  were  George  Hay  of  Virginia,  and  Sam 
uel  L.  Gouverneur  of  New  York.  The  former 
was  a  lawyer  of  eminent  ability  and  a  man  of 
the  very  highest  character,  and  was  promptly 
appointed  to  a  Federal  Judgeship  (the  same 
now  held  by  Judge  Hughes  of  Virginia)  by 
John  Quincy  Adams ;  but  he  received  nothing 
at  the  hands  of  Mr.  Monroe.  And  so  with  Mr. 
Gouverneur;  he  was  a  talented  and  popular 
young  man,  of  one  of  the  best  families  of  New 
York,  but  he  received  no  Federal  appointment 
till  Mr.  Adams  had  succeeded  Mr.  Monroe. 
Then  Adams  made  him  postmaster  of  New 
York.  Judge  Hay  had  a  son  (by  his  first  mar 
riage),  Charles  Hay,  who  was  made  chief  clerk 
of  the  Navy  Department  under  Mr.  Adams,  but 
held  no  office  under  Mr.  Monroe.  The  latter, 
as  I  heard  from  his  own  lips,  was  not  willing, 
in  making  any  appointment,  to  lay  himself  lia 
ble  even  to  the  suspicion  of  being  influenced  by 
any  other  consideration  than  the  public  good. 

Though  Mr.  Monroe  in  early  life  practised 
law,  I  feel  very  sure  he  could  not  have  been 
a  very  good  speaker.  He  wrote  with  no  great 
facility,  but  with  pains.  His  handwriting  was 


192  JAMES  MONJtOE. 

very  bad.  Some  time  in  1829,  possibly  in  1830, 
by  his  horse  falling  with  him,  he  sprained  his 
right  wrist  very  badly,  and  for  some  time  could 
not  write  at  all.  I  often  acted  as  his  amanuensis. 
His  correspondence  was  immense,  and  with  the 
best  and  wisest  men  of  his  day.  I  do  not  re 
member  whether  he  kept  copies  of  his  letters. 
I  rather  think  he  did  not.  But  I  have  often 
thought  that  from  those  written  to  him  there 
might  be  gathered  a  vast  amount  of  valuable 
material  bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  character  and  conduct  of  its  public 
men. 

I  have  intimated  that  Mr.  Monroe  was  prob 
ably  deficient  in  general  culture.  If  this  be 
true,  it  is  equally  true  that  he  was  a  student  of 
history,  especially  of  ancient  history.  Whilst 
I  was  with  him  he  completed  the  manuscript 
of  a  little  work  entitled,  I  think,  (  A  Com 
parison  of  the  American  Republic  with  the  Re 
publics  of  Greece  and  Rome.'  Every  line  of 
this  I  copied  for  him.  On  its  completion  he 
showed  it  Judge  Hay  (who,  with  his  family, 
lived  with  him),  and  asked  him  to  read  it  and 
tell  him  what  he  thought  of  it.  I  well  remem 
ber  that,  after  examining  it,  Judge  Hay  said 
to  Mr.  Monroe,  '  I  think  your  time  could  have 
been  better  employed.  If  the  framers  of  our 
Constitution  could  have  had  some  work,  from 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  193 

a  modern  stand-point,  on  the  Constitutions  of 
Greece  and  Rome,  it  might  have  been  of  value 
to  them.  I  do  not  think  yours  is  of  practical 
value  now.  A  history  of  your  Life  and  Times, 
written  by  yourself,  would  really  be  interesting 
and  valuable.'  The  idea  seemed  quite  new  to 
Mr.  Monroe.  Such  was  his  modesty  and  self- 
depreciation  that  he  had  never  thought  of  it 
before.  The  suggestion,  however,  had  control 
ling  weight,  and  Mr.  Monroe  immediately  be 
gan  to  prepare  such  a  work,  and  made  some 
progress  in  it,  but  how  much  I  cannot  say. 
His  memory  of  past  events  was  remarkable ; 
and  as  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  when  he  became  a  member  of  Washing 
ton's  military  family,  to  the  close  of  his  presi 
dency,  he  was  intimately  associated  with  the 
government  and  those  who  controlled  it,  it  is 
greatly  to  be  deplored  that  his  life  and  health 
were  not  spared  to  enable  him  to  complete  the 
work.  It  might  not  have  been  distinguished 
by  literary  merit,  but  it  would  have  been 
marked,  in  my  humble  judgment,  by  a  degree 
of  truth,  impartiality,  and  justice  which  never 
have  been  and  never  will  be  surpassed  by  any 
human  production.  I  have  often  wondered 
what  had  become  of  this  fragment  of  Mr.  Mon 
roe's  c  Life  and  Times,'  as  well  as  the  little 
work  which  I  copied  for  him. 

13 


194  JAMES  MONROE. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  warmly  attached  to  his 
friends.  He  never  forgot  a  service  rendered 
him,  whether  in  public  or  private  life.  But  in 
his  friendship  and  affection  for  Mr.  Madison 
there  was  something  touching  and  beautiful. 
Washington  and  Jefferson  he  greatly  admired, 
but  Mr.  Madison  he  loved  with  his  whole  heart. 
They  were  once  rival  candidates  for  office,  but 
from  what  I  have  heard  Mr.  Monroe  say  I  do 
not  suppose  there  was  ever,  for  a  single  mo 
ment,  the  slightest  feeling  of  estrangement  or 
unkindness  between  them. 

I  have  several  times  seen  them  together  at 
Montpelier,  and,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  it  was  only 
in  Mr.  Madison's  society  that  Mr.  Monroe  could 
lay  aside  his  usual  seriousness  and  indulge  in 
the  humorous  jest  and  merry  laugh,  as  if  he 
were  young  again. 

Mrs.  Monroe  was  Eliza  Kortwright  of  New 
York,  the  niece,  I  think,  of  General  Knox,  of 
Revolutionary  fame.  Even  in  old  age  and 
feeble  health  she  bore  traces  of  having  been 
very  beautiful  in  early  life.  She  survived 
Judge  Hay  but  a  short  time.  I  was  at  Oak 
Hill,  on  a  visit,  when  she  died.  She  was  not 
buried  for  several  days,  the  delay  being  occa 
sioned  by  the  construction  of  a  vault,  designed 
not  only  for  her  remains  but  for  those  also  of 
Mr.  Monroe,  as  he  himself  told  me.  I  shall 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  195 

never  forget  the  touching  grief  mamiested  by 
the  old  man  on  the  morning  after  Mrs.  Mon 
roe's  death,  when  he  sent  for  me  to  go  to  his 
room,  and  with  trembling  frame  and  streaming 
eyes  spoke  of  the  long  years  they  had  spent 
happily  together,  and  expressed  in  strong  terms 
his  conviction  that  he  would  soon  follow  her. 
In  this  connection  he  spoke  of  his  purpose  to 
build  a  vault  for  the  remains  of  both  of  them ; 
and  I  have  often  thought  it  would  have  been 
well  if,  when  Virginia  caused  his  remains  to 
be  removed  to  Richmond,  those  of  Mrs.  Mon 
roe  had  been  also  removed  and  laid  side  by  side 
with  them. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Monroe  occurred  on  the 
4th  of  July  of  the  next  year  (1831),  at  the 
residence  of  his  son-in-law,  Mr.  Gouverneur,  in 
the  city  of  New  York.  I  have  a  strong  impres 
sion  that  Mr.  Monroe  either  told  me  in  person, 
or  wrote  to  me,  that  his  purpose  in  going  to 
New  York  was  not  only  to  visit  his  daughter, 
but  especially  to  see  his  friend  William  Wirt, 
to  whom  he  was  devotedly  attached." 

NEAR  THE  END  OF  LIFE. 

Here  are  two  almost  pathetic  letters,  one 
from  Monroe  to  Madison,  the  other  from  Mad 
ison  to  Monroe,  written  in  the  spring  of  1831. 


196  JAMES  MONROE. 

MONROE    TO    MADISON.1 

I  have  intended  for  some  time  to  write  and  ex 
plain  to  you  the  arrangement  I  have  made  for  my 
future  residence,  and  respecting  my  private  affairs 
with  a  view  to  my  comfort,  so  far  as  I  may  expect 
it,  but  it  has  been  painful  to  me  to  execute  it. 

My  ill  state  of  health  continuing,  consisting  of  a 
cough,  which  annoys  me  by  night  and  by  day  with 
considerable  expectoration,  considering  my  advanced 
years,  although  my  lungs  are  not  affected,  renders 
the  restoration  of  my  health  very  uncertain,  or  in 
deed  any  favorable  change  in  it.  In  such  a  state  I 
could  not  reside  on  my  farm.  The  solitude  would  be 
very  distressing,  and  its  cares  very  burdensome.  It 
is  the  wish  of  both  my  daughters,  and  of  the  whole 
connection,  that  I  should  remain  here  and  receive 
their  good  offices,  which  I  have  decided  to  do.  I  do 
Dot  wish  to  burden  them.  It  is  my  intention  to  rent 
a  house  near  Mr.  Gouverneur,  and  to  live  within  my 
own  resources  so  far  as  I  may  be  able.  I  could  make 
no  establishment  of  any  kind  without  the  sale  of 
my  property  in  Loudoun,  which  I  have  advertised  for 
the  8th  of  June,  and  given  the  necessary  power  to  MiO 
Gouverneur  and  my  nephew  James.  If  my  health 
will  permit,  I  will  visit  it  in  the  interim  and  arrange 
affairs  there  for  that  event  and  my  removal  here. 
The  accounting  officers  have  made  no  decision  on  my 
claims,  and  have  given  me  much  trouble.  I  have  writ 
ten  them  that  I  would  make  out  no  account  adapted 
Monroe  MSS. 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  197 

to  the  act,  which  fell  far  short  of  making  me  a  just 
reparation,  and  that  I  had  rather  lose  the  whole  sum 
than  give  to  it  any  sanction,  be  the  consequences 
what  they  may.  I  never  recovered  from  the  losses 
of  the  first  mission,  to  which  those  of  the  second 
added  considerably. 

It  is  very  distressing  to  me  to  sell  my  property  in 
Loudoun,  for,  besides  parting  with  all  I  have  in  the 
State,  I  indulged  a  hope,  if  I  could  retain  it,  that  I 
might  be  able  occasionally  to  visit  it,  and  meet  my 
friends,  or  many  of  them,  there.  But  ill  health  and 
advanced  years  prescribe  a  course  which  we  must 
pursue.  I  deeply  regret  that  there  is  no  prospect  of 
our  ever  meeting  again,  since  so  long  have  we  been 
connected,  and  in  the  most  friendly  intercourse,  in 
public  and  private  life,  that  a  final  separation  is 
among  the  most  distressing  incidents  which  could  oc 
cur.  I  shall  resign  my  seat  as  a  visitor  at  the  Board 
in  due  time  to  enable  the  Executive  to  fill  the  va 
cancy,  that  my  successor  may  attend  the  next  meet 
ing.  I  beg  you  to  assure  Mrs.  Madison  that  I  never 
can  forget  the  friendly  relation  which  has  existed 
between  her  and  my  family.  It  often  reminds  me 
of  incidents  of  the  most  interesting  character.  My 
daughter,  Mrs.  Hay,  will  live  with  me,  who,  with 
the  whole  family  here,  unite  in  affectionate  regards  to 
both  of  you. 

Very  sincerely,  your  friend, 

J.  M. 

NEW  YORK,  April  11,  1831. 


198 


JAMES  MONROE. 


MADISON   TO    MONROE.1 

MONTPELIER,  April  21,  1831. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  duly  received  yours  of  [April 
11].  I  considered  the  advertisement  of  your  estate 
in  Loudoun  as  an  omen  that  your  friends  in  Virginia 
were  to  lose  you.  It  is  impossible  to  gainsay  the 
motives  to  which  you  yielded  in  making  New  York 
your  residence,  though  I  fear  you  will  find  its  climate 
unsuited  to  your  period  of  life  and  the  state  of  your 
health.  I  just  observe,  and  with  niuch  pleasure,  that 
the  sum  voted  by  Congress,  however  short  of  just 
calculations,  escapes  the  loppings  to  which  it  was- 
exposed  from  the  accounting  process  at  Washington 
and  that  you  are  so  far  relieved  from  the  vexatiom 
involved  in  it.  The  result  will,  I  hope,  spare  you  at 
least  the  sacrifice  of  an  untimely  sale  of  your  valu 
able  property ;  and  I  would  fain  flatter  myself  that, 
with  an  encouraging  improvement  of  your  health,  you 
might  be  brought  to  reconsider  the  arrangement 
which  fixes  you  elsewhere.  The  effect  of  this,  in 
closing  the  prospect  of  our  ever  meeting  again,  afflicts 
me  deeply  ;  certainly  not  less  so  than  it  can  you. 
The  pain  I  feel  at  the  idea,  associated  as  it  is  with 
a  recollection  of  the  long,  close,  and  uninterrupted 
friendship  which  united  us,  amounts  to  a  pang  which 
I  cannot  well  express,  and  which  makes  me  seek 
for  an  alleviation  in  the  possibility  that  you  may  bo 
brought  back  to  us  in  the  wonted  degree  of  inter 
course.  This  is  a  happiness  my  feelings  covet,  not- 
1  Madison's  Writings,  vol.  iv.  pp.  178-179. 


PERSONAL  ASPECT.  199 

withstanding  the  short  period  I  could  expect  to  en 
joy  it ;  being  now,  though  in  comfortable  health,  a 
decade  beyond  the  canonical  three-score  and  ten,  an 
epoch  which  you  have  but  just  passed. 

As  you  propose  to  make  a  visit  to  Loudoun  previ 
ous  to  the  notified  sale,  if  the  state  of  your  health 
permits,  why  not,  with  the  like  permission,  extend 
the  trip  to  this  quarter  ?  The  journey,  at  a  rate  of 
your  own  choice,  might  cooperate  in  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  your  health,  whilst  it  would  be  a  peculiar 
gratification  to  your  friends,  and,  perhaps,  enable  you 
to  join  your  colleagues  at  the  University  once  more 
at  least.  It  is  much  to  be  desired  that  you  should 
continue,  as  long  as  possible,  a  member  of  the  Board, 
and  I  hope  you  will  not  send  in  your  resignation  in 
case  you  find  your  cough  and  weakness  giving  way 
to  the  influence  of  the  season  and  the  innate  strength 
of  your  constitution.  I  will  not  despair  of  your  be 
ing  able  to  keep  up  your  connection  with  Virginia 
by  retaining  Oak  Hill  and  making  it  not  less  than  an 
occasional  residence.  Whatever  may  be  the  turn  of 
things,  be  assured  of  the  unchangeable  interest  felt 
by  Mrs.  Madison,  as  well  as  myself,  in  your  welfare, 
and  in  that  of  all  who  are  dearest  to  you. 

In  explanation  of  my  microscopic  writing,  I  must 
remark  that  the  older  I  grow  the  more  my  stiffening 
fingers  make  smaller  letters,  as  my  feet  take  shorter 
steps,  the  progress  in  both  cases  being,  at  the  same 
time,  more  fatiguing  as  well  as  more  slow. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RETROSPECT.  —  REPUTATION. 

MONROE  retired  from  his  high  office  March 
4,  1825,  and  during  the  seven  years  which  re 
mained  of  his  life  divided  his  time  between  his 
home  at  Oak  Hill,  in  Loudoun  County,  Virginia, 
and  the  residence  of  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Gouver- 
neur,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  He  accepted 
the  post  of  Regent  in  the  University  of  Vir 
ginia,  which  was  instituted  in  1826,  and  gave 
his  personal  attention  to  the  duties  of  the  office, 
with  Jefferson  and  Madison.  He  was  asked  to 
serve  on  the  electoral  ticket  of  Virginia  in  1828, 
but  declined  to  do  so,  on  the  ground  that  an 
ex-President  should  refrain  from  an  active  par 
ticipation  in  political  contests.  He  consented, 
however,  to  act  as  a  local  magistrate  and  to  be 
come  a  member  of  the  Virginia  constitutional 
convention,  which  assembled  a  little  later. 
He  maintained  an  active  correspondence  with 
friends  at  home  and  abroad,  and,  what  is  much 
more  remarkable,  he  undertook  to  compose  a 
philosophical  history  of  the  origin  of  free  gov 
ernments,  for  which  his  literary  training  was 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTA  TION.  201 

quite  inadequate.     This  treatise  was  published 
in  1867. 

Monroe,  throughout  his  later  days,  was 
somewhat  embarrassed  in  his  pecuniary  cir 
cumstances,  and  spent  a  great  deal  of  time  in 
endeavoring  to  secure  from  Congress  a  just  re 
imbursement  for  the  heavy  expenses  in  which 
he  had  been  involved  during  his  prolonged  ser 
vices  abroad.  It  is  truly  pitiful  to  perceive  the 
straits  to  which  so  patriotic  a  servant  of  the 
country,  against  whose  financial  integrity  not 
a  word  was  uttered,  was  reduced  ;  particularly 
when  the  expenditures  he  had  incurred  were, 
to  a  very  large  amount,  required  by  the  posi 
tions  to  which  his  countrymen  had  called  him, 
and  for  which  they  made  inadequate  remuner 
ation.  No  private  subscription  came  to  honor 
or  relieve  him.  Lafayette,  with  a  generous 
impulse  and  with  great  delicacy  of  procedure, 
offered  him  relief.1  Some  allowance  was  at 
length  made  by  Congress,  and  after  his  death 
his  heirs  received  a  moderate  sum  for  the  pa 
pers  he  had  preserved.  His  old  age  was  much 
given  to  retrospection,  doubtless  quickened  by 
the  necessity  of  reviewing  his  accounts  in  justi 
fication  of  his  claims.  A  letter  to  Judge  Mc 
Lean  may  be  found  in  his  manuscripts,  with 
a  note  that  the  form  was  altered,  though  the 
spirit  was  preserved.2  It  reads  as  follows  :  — 
1  Ante,  page,  154.  2  Monroe  MSS. 


202  JAMES  MONROE. 

MONROE  TO  MCLEAN. 

OAK  HILL,  December  5,  1827. 

I  have  read  with  great  interest  your  letter  of  the 
15th  ult.  The  course  which  you  have  pursued  in 
the  administration  corresponds  with  that  which  I  had 
anticipated.  I  was  satisfied  that  you  had  done  your 
duty  to  your  country,  and  acquitted  yourself  to  the 
just  claims  of  those  with  whom  you  were  officially 
connected. 

It  has  afforded  me  great  pleasure  to  find  that  the 
Department  has  considerably  improved,  under  your 
management,  in  all  the  great  objects  of  the  institu 
tion,  the  more  extensive  circulation  of  political  and 
commercial  intelligence  among  the  great  body  of  our 
fellow  citizens  and  the  augmentation  of  the  revenue. 
This  sentiment  seems  to  be  general  throughout  the 
community,  which  it  would  not  be  if  it  was  not  con 
firmed  by  unquestionable  evidence.  By  the  faithful 
and  useful  discharge  of  your  public  duties  you  have 
given  the  best  support  which  could  be  rendered  to 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  of  which  he 
must  be  sensible.  No  person  at  the  head  of  the  gov 
ernment  has,  in  my  opinion,  any  claim  to  the  active 
partisan  exertions  of  those  in  office  under  him.  Jus 
tice  to  his  public  acts,  friendly  feelings,  and  a  candid 
and  honorable  deportment  towards  him,  without  for 
getting  what  is  due  to  others,  are  all  that  he  has  a 
right  to  expect,  and  in  those  I  am  satisfied  you  have 
never  failed.  Your  view,  in  regard  to  my  concerns, 
corresponds  also  with  my  own.  I  shall  never  apply 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTATION.  203 

again  to  Congress,  let  my  situation  be  what  it  may. 
The  only  point  on  which  my  mind  has  balanced  is, 
whether  the  republication  of  my  memoir,  remarks, 
and  documents,  in  a  pamphlet,  would  be  proper  and 
useful.  Those  papers  relate  to  important  public 
events  in  both  my  missions  and  in  the  late  war,  and 
since,  while  I  held  an  office  in  the  administration.  I 
was  charged  with  a  failure  to  perform  my  duty  in 
my  first  mission,  and  recalled  from  it  and  censured. 

The  book  which  I  published  on  my  return  home, 
with  the  official  documents  which  it  contained,  vindi 
cated  me  against  the  charge,  and  on  that  ground  I 
then  left  it.  The  parties  are  since  dead,  and  I  am 
now  retired  to  private  life.  I  never  doubted  the 
perfect  integrity  of  General  Washington,  nor  the 
strength  or  energy  of  his  mind,  and  was  personally 
attached  to  him.  I  admired  his  patriotism,  and  had 
full  confidence  in  his  attachment  to  liberty  and  solic 
itude  for  the  success  of  the  French  Revolution. 

It  being  necessary  to  advert  to  that  occurrence, 
in  my  communication  to  the  committee  which  was 
first  appointed  on  my  claims,  I  availed  myself  of  the 
occasion  to  express  a  sentiment  corresponding  with 
the  above  in  his  favor,  as  I  likewise  did  in  the  me 
moir  since  published.  The  documents  published  with 
it  prove,  in  minute  detail,  not  only  that  I  faithfully 
performed  my  duty  to  my  country,  but  exerted  my 
best  faculties,  on  all  occasions,  in  support  of  his  char 
acter  and  fame.  The  letters  of  Major  Mountflor- 
ence,  which  I  had  forgotten  that  I  possessed,  are  ma 
terial  on  both  points.  They  prove  that  the  French 


204  JAMES  MONROE. 

government  charged  me  with  having  prevented  it 
from  taking  measures  which  it  deemed  due  to  the 
honor  of  France,  for  eight  months,  and  that  it  had 
withdrawn  its  confidence  from,  and  ceased  to  commu 
nicate  with,  me  at  the  very  moment  when  I  was  re 
called  by  my  own  government.  Major  Mountffor- 
ence  was  no  particular  friend  or  associate  of  mine. 
I  found  him  in  France,  on  my  arrival  there.  He  was 
the  friend  of  Mr.  Morris,  my  predecessor,  and,  as 
I  understand,  from  Tennessee.  Mr.  Skipwith  em 
ployed  him  as  the  chancellor  in  his  office,  on  account 
of  his  acquaintance  with  our  affairs  and  knowledge 
of  the  French  language.  He  passed  daily,  on  the 
business  of  the  consulate,  through  the  several  depart 
ments  of  the  government,  and  was  acquainted  with 
the  principal  officers,  especially  the  clerks  in  each, 
and  on  that  account  I  instructed  him  to  make  the  in 
quiries  to  which  his  reports  relate.  All  the  other 
documents  correspond  with  and  support  his  state 
ment,  which  they  extend  to  other  objects  that  are 
very  interesting. 

I  was  likewise  charged  in  that  mission  with  specu 
lation,  in  consequence  of  a  purchase  which  I  made  of 
a  house.  The  documents  published  show  clearly  the 
motive  which  led  me  into  that  measure,  as  they  do 
my  intention  to  offer  it  to  my  government,  on  my 
resignation  and  return,  on  the  terms  on  which  I 
bought  it ;  being  recalled,  and  the  minister  sent  to  re 
place  me  not  received,  such  an  oflfer  would  have  been 
absurd.  Besides,  I  was  forced  to  sell  it  to  enable  me 
to  leave  the  country ;  and  even  then  I  lost  one  half  of 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTATION.  205 

the  price  given  for  it,  as  I  believe,  in  consequence  of 
my  recall  and  the  circumstances  under  which  I  left 
it.  An  important  examination  of  the  state  of  our 
affairs  on  my  arrival  in  France,  the  seizure  of  our 
vessels,  jealousy  of  our  views,  and  distress  of  our 
citizens  there,  and  the  change  produced  on  my  ap 
peal  and  presentation  to  the  convention,  with  the  of 
fer  of  a  house,  etc.,  will,  I  think,  enable  any  candid 
person,  aided  by  the  documents  referred  to,  to  decide 
whether  my  motive  in  making  that  purchase  was  a 
private  or  a  public  one.  That  it  had  the  desired  ef 
fect  was  the  opinion  of  all  my  fellow-citizens  there, 
who  had  earnestly  advised  me  to  it. 

The  documents  relating  to  my  second  mission  are 
likewise  very  interesting.  The  call  made  on  me  by 
Mr.  Jefferson,  the  manner  of  the  call,  and  circum 
stances  under  which  I  left  the  country,  with  the 
losses  attending  it,  are  fully  shown,  as  are  the  conse 
quences,  resulting  from  the  mission.  Those  were  not 
known  before,  and  the  latter  had  been  misrepresented 
and  were  by  many  misunderstood.  They  were  never 
used  to  promote  my  election  to  any  office. 

This  memoir,  with  the  remarks  and  documents, 
form  a  case  between  my  country  and  me,  and,  being 
collected  in  a  pamphlet,  will  be  better  understood  and 
more  easily  preserved.  If  not  true  in  a  single  in 
stance,  let  it  be  shown.  I  know  that  they  are  true  in 
every  one,  and  am  not  afraid  of  the  severest  scrutiny, 
should  the  proof  presented  be  deemed  inadequate  in 
any  circumstance.  The  preservation  of  them  may 
tend  to  give  a  coloring,  or  rather  character,  to  some 
of  the  wants  to  which  they  relate. 


206  JAMES  MONROE. 

With  my  conduct  in  the  offices  in  the  city,  at  the 
most  difficult  periods,  you  are  well  acquainted  in  the 
outline,  having  been  a  large  portion  of  the  time  in 
Congress,  and  in  confidential  communication  with  me. 
You  know  that  I  was  called  into  the  Department  of 
War  on  a  great  emergency,  and  by  that  emergency, 
not  by  any  desire  of  mine.  Many  circumstances,  how 
ever,  occurred  while  I  was  in  that  Department,  with 
which  I  wish  to  make  you  acquainted,  and  especially 
those  which  relate  to  the  measures  taken  for  the  de 
fence  of  New  Orleans  in  the  late  war.  Representa 
tions  have  been  given  of  my  conduct  in  that  instance 
very  injurious  to  me. 

To  the  gallantry  and  very  meritorious  conduct  of 
General  Jackson  there,  I  have  always  done,  and  shall 
do,  full  justice.  I  wish,  however,  to  make  you  fully 
acquainted  with  the  part  I  have  acted  towards  him 
in  that  and  some  other  instances,  which  have  since 
occurred.  By  such  a  view  you  will  be  able  to  judge 
whether  I  have  acted  fairly  towards  him,  and  taken 
responsibility  on  myself  for  him,  from  motives  of 
friendship,  or  acted  a  different  part.  The  papers, 
which  I  wish  to  show  you,  are  original.  I  do  not 
wish  you  to  come  here  at  this  time,  and  am  inclined 
to  think  you  had  better  not.  If  you  see  no  impro 
priety  in  it,  I  will  inclose  to  you  the  papers  which, 
after  perusing  them,  I  wish  you  to  return  to  me  im 
mediately,  and  without  showing  or  letting  it  be  known 
to  any  person  existing  that  you  had  ever  seen  them. 

On  the  question  of  republication  and  the  subject 
to  which  it  relates,  above  referred  to,  I  shall  be  glad 
to  receive  your  opinion  when  convenient. 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTATION.  207 

In  these  last  years  his  quiet  was  disturbed 
by  a  controversy,  already  mentioned,  as  to  the 
action  of  his  cabinet  in  respect  to  the  proceed 
ings  of  General  Jackson.  The  irritation  ap 
pears  to  have  begun  in  1827. 

His  son-in-law,  Mr.  Gouverneur,  referring  to 
an  article  which  had  appeared  in  a  Tennessee 
paper,  and  reflected  discredit  on  Monroe's  ad 
ministration,  expressed  to  Monroe  great  surprise 
that  such  an  article  should  have  been  written 
with  Jackson's  approbation. 

"  That  injustice  might  be  attempted,"  he  says  (May 
24,  1827),  "  by  the  heated  partisans  of  the  day  for 
their  own  purposes,  I  can  readily  conceive,  but  that 
General  Jackson,  with  whom  you  have  so  long  pre 
served  the  most  intimate  relations  of  friendship,  and 
whose  public  character  you  have  so  frequently  sus 
tained  during  the  most  perilous  periods  of  your  ad 
ministration,  should  authorize  that  injustice,  I  should 
not  only  be  slow  to  believe  but  most  deeply  regret. 
It  certainly  is  at  variance  with  all  the  feelings  I  have 
ever  entertained  of  his  character,  which  I  thought  had 
been  fully  justified  in  all  the  incidents  of  his  life.  It 
is  undoubtedly  desirable  that  you  should  collect  such 
evidences  as  are  in  your  possession,  and  to  which  you 
may  now  have  access,  as  relate  to  the  period  in  ques 
tion.  It  is  among  the  most  interesting  of  our  history, 
and  must  be  so  regarded  by  posterity.  How  far  it 
may  be  advisable  to  use  them  in  any  shape  at  this 
time,  I  think  depends  on  what  may  occur  hereafter, 


208  JAMES  MONROE. 

and  the  circumstances  which  may  arise  to  call  for  it. 
Your  position  is  one  of  a  defensive  character,  if  neces 
sary,  and  I  do  riot  think  requires  anything  from  you 
which  may  invite  attack.  When  it  comes  I  should 
consider  you  at  full  liberty  to  meet  it  by  all  the  evi 
dences  of  which  you  may  be  able  to  avail  yourself." 

His  dread  of  any  financial  action  which 
should  endanger  the  Union  is  clearly  brought 
out  in  a  letter  to  John  C.  Calhoun  (February 
16,  1830),1  in  reply  to  one  which  he  had  re 
ceived  from  his  former  secretary. 

"  Nothing  can  be  more  distressing  to  me  than  the 
approach  or  possibility  of  a  crisis,  which  may,  in  its 
consequences,  endanger  our  Union.  I  trust,  however, 
that  the  patriotism,  intelligence,  and  virtue  of  the 
people,  and  of  those  who  may  fill  our  public  councils  at 
the  epoch  you  refer  to,  will  rescue  us  from  such  a  dan 
ger.  Satisfied  I  am  that  nothing  can  be  so  calamitous 
to  every  section  of  the  Union  as  a  dismemberment. 
With  such  an  event  our  republican  system  would  soon 
go  to  wreck  ;  wars  would  take  place  between  the  new 
States  as  they  did  between  the  ancient  republics,  and 
now  do  between  the  powers  of  Europe ;  and  we  to 
the  south,  where  so  large  a  portion  of  the  population 
consists  of  slaves,  would  by  domestic  conjunctions  be 
most  apt  to  fall  the  victims. 

"  From  the  close  of  our  Revolution  we  have  looked 
to  the  extinction  of  the  public  debt  as  a  period  of 
peculiar  felicity.  There  is,  I  believe,  no  other  gov- 
1  Gouverueur  MSS. 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTATION.  209 

ernment  or  people  in  existence  who  are  thus  blessed. 
That  this  epoch  should  lay  the  foundation  for  such  a 
calamity  would  be  an  event  without  example.  I 
think  with  you  that  the  interesting  questions  which 
you  state  will,  in  the  discussion,  excite  much  feeling, 
and  may,  in  the  view  which  the  different  sections  may 
take  of  their  local  interests,  put  them  for  a  while  in 
a  marked  opposition  to  each  other.  Each  however 
will,  I  trust,  weigh  the  subject  calmly,  and  be  willing 
to  make  some  concession  and  eve"n  sacrifices  to  save 
our  republican  system." 

There  are  many  estimates  of  Monroe  to  be 
met  with  in  the  memoirs  of  his  contemporaries. 
Washington's  early  praise  has  already  been 
quoted.  Jefferson  said  of  him,  "  he  is  a  man 
whose  soul  might  be  turned  wrong  side  out 
wards  without  discovering  a  blemish  to  the 
world."  •  Madison  used  this  language :  "  His 
understanding  was  very  much  underrated  ;  his 
judgment  was  particularly  good  ;  few  men  have 
made  more  of  what  may  be  called  sacrifices  in 
the  service  of  the  public."  John  Quincy  Adams 
delivered  a  eulogy,  the  last  pages  of  which  glow 
with  praise  "of  a  mind,  anxious  and  unwearied 
in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  right,  patient  of  in 
quiry,  patient  of  contradiction,  courteous  even 
in  the  collision  of  sentiment,  sound  in  its  ulti 
mate  judgments,  and  firm  in  its  final  conclu 
sions."  John  McLean  gave  emphasis  to  the. 

14 


210  JAMES  MONROE. 

purity  of  his  action  in  making  executive  ap 
pointments  :  —  "  personal  motives,  either  as  they 
regarded  the  President  himself  or  the  person 
appointed,  were  lost  in  higher  considerations  of 
duty."  Webster,  in  1825,  declared  that  "  the 
administration  now  closed  had  been  in  general 
highly  satisfactory  to  the  country.  It  could  not 
be  said,"  he  continued,  "  that  that  administra 
tion  had  either  been  supported  or  opposed  by 
any  party  associations,  or  on  any  party  princi 
ples."  Calhoun,  the  stern  and  stately  Calhoun, 
is  effusive  in  the  terms  which  he  employs  when 
speaking  of  the  President  in  whose  cabinet  he 
served.  One  of  the  most  elaborate  estimates  of 
Monroe's  career  is  that  of  Benton,  which  de 
serves  to  be  quoted. 

"Mr.  Monroe  had  none  of  the  mental  qualities 
which  dazzle  and  astonish  mankind ;  but  he  had  a 
discretion  which  seldom  committed  a  mistake  —  an  in 
tegrity  that  always  looked  to  the  public  good ;  a  firm 
ness  of  will  which  carried  him  resolutely  upon  his 
object ;  a  diligence  which  mastered  every  subject ;  and 
a  perseverance  that  yielded  to  no  obstacle  or  reverse. 

"  He  began  his  patriotic  career  in  the  military  ser 
vice  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  went  into  the  General  Assembly  of  his  native 
State  at  an  early  age,  and  thence,  while  still  young, 
into  the  Continental  Congress.  There  he  showed 
his  character,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  his  future 


RETROSPECT.  -  REP  UTA TION.  211 

political  fortunes  in  his  uncompromising  opposition  to 
he  plan  of  a  treaty  with  Spain,  by  which  the  navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi  was  to  be  given  up  for 
twenty-five  years  in  return  for  commercial  privileges. 
It  was  the  qualities  of  judgment  and  perseverance 
which  he  displayed  on  that  occasion  which  brought 
him  those  calls  to  diplomacy  in  which  he  was  after 
wards  so  much  employed  with  three  of  the  then 
greatest  European  powers,  —  France,  Spain,  Great 
Britain.  And  it  was  in  allusion  to  this  circumstance 
that  President  Jefferson  afterwards,  when  the  right 
of  deposit  at  New  Orleans  had  been  violated  by 
Spain,  and  when  a  minister  was  wanted  to  recover  it, 
said,  "  Monroe  is  the  man  ;  the  defence  of  the  Missis 
sippi  belongs  to  him."  And  under  this  appointment 
he  had  the  felicity  to  put  his  name  to  the  treaty  which 
secured  the  Mississippi,  its  navigation  and  all  the 
territory  drained  by  its  western  waters,  to  the  United 
States  forever.  Several  times  in  his  life  he  seemed 
to  miscarry  and  to  fall  from  the  top  to  the  bottom  of 
the  political  ladder,  but  always  to  reascend  as  high  or 
higher  than  ever.  Recalled  by  Washington  from  the 
French  mission,  to  which  he  had  been  appointed 
from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  he  returned  to 
the  starting  point  of  his  early  career,  the  General 
Assembly  of  his  State,  served  as  a  member  from  his 
county,  was  elected  Governor,  and  from  that  post  was 
restored  by  Jefferson  to  the  French  mission,  soon  to  be 
followed  by  the  embassies  to  Spain  and  England. 
Becoming  estranged  from  Mr.  Madison  about  the 
time  of  that  gentleman's  first  election  to  the  presi- 


212  JAMES  MONROE. 

dency,  and  having  returned  from  his  missions  a  little 
mortified  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had  rejected  his  British 
treaty  without  sending  it  to  the  Senate,  he  was  again 
at  the  foot  of  the  political  ladder,  and  apparently  out 
of  favor  with  those  who  were  at  its  top.  Nothing 
despairing  he  went  hack  to  the  old  starting  point, 
served  again  in  the  Virginia  General  Assembly,  was 
again  elected  Governor,  and  from  that  post  was  called 
to  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Madison,  to  be  his  double  Sec 
retary  of  State  and  War.  He  was  the  effective 
power  in  the  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Brit 
ain.  His  residence  abroad  had  shown  him  that  un 
avenged  British  wrongs  were  lowering  our  character 
with  Europe,  and  that  war  with  the  "  mistress  of  the 
seas "  was  as  necessary  to  our  respectability  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world,  as  to  the  security  of  our  citizens 
and  commerce  upon  the  ocean.  He  brought  up  Mr. 
Madison  to  the  war  point.  He  drew  the  war  report 
which  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  presented 
to  the  House,  that  report  which  the  absence  of  Mr. 
Peter  B.  Porter,  the  chairman,  and  the  hesitancy  of 
Mr.  Grundy,  the  second  on  the  committee,  threw 
into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  third  on  the  list 
and  the  youngest  of  the  committee,  and  the  presenta 
tion  of  which  immediately  gave  him  a  national  repu 
tation.  Prime  mover  of  the  war,  he  was  also  one  of 
its  most  efficient  supporters,  taking  upon  himsc3lf, 
when  adversity  pressed,  the  actual  duties  of  war  min 
ister,  financier,  and  foreign  secretary  at  the  same 
time.  He  was  an  enemy  to  all  extravagance,  to  all 
intrigue,  to  all  indirection  in  the  conduct  of  business. 


RETROSPECT.  —  REP  UTATION.  213 

Mr.  Jefferson's  comprehensive  and  compendious  eulo- 
gium  upon  him,  as  brief  as  true,  was  the  faithful  de 
scription  of  the  man  —  "  honest  and  brave."  He  was 
an  enemy  to  nepotism,  and  no  consideration  or  en 
treaty,  no  need  of  the  support  which  an  office  would 
give,  or  intercession  from  friends,  could  ever  induce 
him  to  appoint  a  relative  to  any  place  under  the  gov 
ernment.  He  had  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution  until  amendments  were  obtained  ;  but  these 
had,  he  became  one  of  its  firmest  supporters,  and 
labored  faithfully,  anxiously,  and  devotedly  to  ad 
minister  it  in  its  purity." 

On  reviewing  all  that  I  have  been  able  to 
read  in  print  and  in  manuscript,  and  all  I  have 
been  able  to  gather  from  the  writings  of  others, 
the  conclusion  is  forced  on  me  that  Monroe  is 
not  adequately  appreciated  by  his  countrymen. 
He  has  certainly  been  insufficiently  known,  be 
cause  no  collection  has  been  made  of  his  numer 
ous  memoirs,  letters,  dispatches,  and  messages. 
He  has  suffered  also  by  comparison  with  four  or 
five  illustrious  men,  his  seniors  in  years  and  his 
superiors  in  genius,  who  were  chiefly  instru 
mental  in  establishing  this  government  on  its 
firm  basis.  He  was  not  the  equal  of  Washington 
in  prudence,  of  Marshall  in  wisdom,  of  Hamil 
ton  in  constructive  power,  of  Jefferson  in  ge 
nius  for  politics,  of  Madison  in  persistent  abil 
ity  to  think  out  an  idea  and  to  persuade  others 


214  JAMES  MONROE. 

of  its  importance.  He  was  in  early  life  enthu 
siastic  to  rashness,  he  was  a  devoted  adherent 
of  partisan  views,  he  was  sometimes  despon 
dent  and  sometimes  irascible  ;  but  as  he  grew 
older  his  judgment  was  disciplined,  his  self- 
control  became  secure,  his  patriotism  over 
balanced  the  considerations  of  party.  Political 
opponents  rarely  assailed  the  purity  of  his  mo 
tives  or  the  honesty  of  his  conduct.  He  was  « 
a  very  good  civil  service  reformer,  firmly  set 
against  appointments  to  office  for  any  unworthy 
reason.  He  was  never  exposed  to  the  charge 
of  nepotism,  and  in  the  choice  of  officers  to  be 
appointed  he  carefully  avoided  the  recognition 
of  family  and  friendly  ties.  His  hands  were 
never  stained  with  pelf.  He  grew  poor  in  the 
public  service,  because  he  neglected  his  private 
affairs  and  incurred  large  outlays  in  the  dis 
charge  of  official  duties  under  circumstances 
which  demanded  liberal  expenditure.  He  was 
extremely  reticent  as  to  his  religious  senti 
ments,  at  least  in  all  that  he  wrote.  Allusions 
to  his  belief  are  rarely  if  ever  to  be  met  with  in 
his  correspondence.  He  was  a  faithful  hus 
band,  father,  master,  neighbor,  friend.  He  was 
industrious,  serious,  temperate,  domestic,  affec 
tionate.  He  carried  with  him  to  the  end  of  his 
life  the  good-will  and  respect  both  of  his  seniors 
and  juniors.  Many  of  those  who  worked  with 


RETROSPECT.  -  REP  UTA TION.  215 

him,  besides  those  already  quoted,  have  left  on 
record  their  appreciation  of  his  abilities  and 
their  esteem  for  his  character. 

His  numerous  state  papers  are  not  remark 
able  in  style  or  in  thought,  but  his  views  were 
generally  sound,  the  position  which  he  took 
in  later  life  on  public  questions  was  approved 
by  the  public  voice,  and  his  administration  is 
known  as  the  "  era  of  good  feeling."  His  at 
tention  does  not  seem  to  have  been  called  in 
any  special  manner  to  the  significance  of  slavery 
as  an  element  of  political  discord,  or  as  an  evil 
in  itself.  If  he  foresaw,  he  did  not  foretell  the 
great  conflict.  He  does  not  seem  expert  in  the 
principles  of  national  finance,  though  his  views 
are  often  expressed  on  such  matters. 

The  one  idea  which  he  represents  consist 
ently  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his 
career  is  this,  that  America  is  for  Americans. 
He  resists  the  British  sovereignty  in  his  early 
youth ;  he  insists  on  the  importance  of  free 
navigation  in  the  Mississippi ;  he  negotiates  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana  and  Florida ;  he  gives 
a  vigorous  impulse  to  the  prosecution  of  the 
second  war  with  Great  Britain,  when  neutral 
rights  were  endangered ;  finally  he  announces 
the  "  Monroe  doctrine." 

It  is  clear  that  he  was  under  great  obliga 
tions  to  Jefferson.  The  aid  and  counsel  of  this 


216  JAMES  MONROE. 

sagacious  man  are  apparent  from  the  time 
when  Monroe  began  the  study  of  law,  in  ad 
verse  and  in  prosperous  times,  in  public  and  in 
private  matters,  throughout  their  long  lives. 
Madison's  friendship  was  also  a  powerful  sup 
port.  But  both  these  men  could  not  have  sus 
tained  Monroe  through  his  varied  career,  in 
circumstances  which  required  popular  approba 
tion,  if  he  had  not  possessed  some  very  uncom 
mon  qualities.  As  a  youth  he  must  have  been 
bright  and  attractive.  In  early  manhood  he 
was  devoted  to  his  party  beyond  the  require 
ments  of  party,  so  that  he  nearly  involved  the 
country  in  war.  As  he  grew  older  he  was  less 
of  a  partisan.  He  retained  an  accurate  remem 
brance  of  the  men  and  measures  with  which  he 
had  been  associated,  and  he  acquired  experience 
in  almost  every  variety  of  public  station,  the 
judiciary  excepted,  until  he  reached  the  very 
highest  office  in  the  land.  He  was  trained  for 
the  presidency  in  the  school  of  affairs  and  not 
in  a  ring.  An  ideal  preparation  for  the  duties 
of  that  high  station  would  hardly  involve  any 
kind  of  discipline  to  which  the  business  of  life 
had  not  subjected  him.  He  made  enemies  ; 
the  Federalists,  South  as  well  as  North,  disliked 
him  and  undervalued  him  ;  but  notwithstand 
ing  their  hostile  criticism  he  sustained  himself 
so  well  that  but  one  electoral  vote  was  given 


RETROSPE  CT.  —  REP  UTA  TION.  21 7 

against  his  reelection,  and  it  is  said  that  this 
was  cast  by  an  elector  who  did  not  wish  to  see 
a  second  President  chosen  with  the  same  unan 
imity  which  had  honored  Washington. 

Certainly  a  career  like  this  will  never  be  for 
gotten.    As  time  goes  on  some  careful  hand  will 
collect  the   scattered  memoirs  of  Monroe,  and 
his  work  as  a  legislator,  an  envoy,  a  cabinet       ,- 
minister,  and  a  President,  will  be  more  accu-    ' 
rately  estimated.    It  will  always  reveal  the  mind 
and  heart  of  a  patriot,  in  new  and  trying  situa- 
uations,  true  to  the  idea  of  American  indepen 
dence  from  European  interference. 

Monroe  died  in  New  York,  July  4,  1831,  and 
was  buried  there  with  appropriate  honors.  Years 
afterward  Virginians  desired  that  his  dust 
should  mingle  with  the  soil  of  his  native  State. 
His  body  was  carried  to  Richmond,  under  the 
escort  of  a  favorite  regiment  of  New  York,  and 
re-interred  in  the  public  cemetery  just  one  hun 
dred  years  after  his  eyes  first  saw  the  light. 


APPENDIX. 


GENEALOGY. 

I  HAVE  not  been  successful  in  tracing  the  pedigree 
of  James  Monroe.  Mr.  R.  C.  Brock,  of  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society,  has  kindly  searched  the  Virgin  in 
archives,  and  finds  that  successive  grants  of  lami 
were  made  to  Andrew  Monroe  from  1650  to  1662. 
and  to  John  Monroe  from  1695  to  1719.  He  has 
also  come  upon  an  old  statement  that  Andrew  Mon 
roe  came  to  this  country  in  1660,  after  the  defeat  of 
the  Royal  army,  in  which  he  had  the  rank  of  major, 
and  settled  in  Westmoreland  County,  Virginia.  With 
this  citation  it  is  curious  to  compare  a  recent  para 
graph,  in  respect  to  the  Monroes  of  Eastern  Massa 
chusetts,  in  F.  B.  Sanborn's  Life  of  Thoreau  :  — 

"The  Monroes  of  Lexington  and  Concord  are 
descended  from  a  Scotch  soldier  of  Charles  II. 's  army, 
captured  by  Cromwell  at  the  battle  of  Worcester  in 
1651,  and  allowed  to  go  into  exile  in  America.  His 
powerful  kinsman,  General  George  Monro,  who  com 
manded  for  Charles  at  the  battle  of  Worcester,  was. 


APPENDIX.  219 

at  the  Restoration,  made  commander-in-chief  for 
Scotland."  l 

Mr.  Brock  suggests  that  the  family  of  Jones,  to 
which  the  mother  of  James  Monroe  belongs,  was  the 
same  with  that  of  Adjutant-General  Robert  Jones, 
Commodore  Thomas  Catesby  Jones,  General  Walker 
Jones,  and  other  distinguished  Americans. 

The  private  residence  of  Monroe  during  the  latter 
part  of  his  life  was  at  Oak  Hill,  near  Aldie,  Loudoun 
County,  Virginia,  on  a  turnpike  running  south  from 
Leesburg  to  Aldie,  about  nine  miles  from  the  former 
and  three  from  the  latter  place. 

Major  R.  W.  N.  Noland  has  been  so  kind  as  to 
prepare  (at  the  suggestion  of  Professor  J.  M.  Garnett 
of  the  University  of  Virginia)  a  sketch  of  Oak  Hill, 
which  will  here  be  given  :  — 

The  Oak  Hill  house  was  planned  by  Mr.  Monroe,  but  the 
building  superintended  by  Mr.  William  Benton,  an  English 
man,  who  occupied  the  mixed  relation  to  Mr.  Monroe  of  stew 
ard,  counsellor,  and  friend.  The  house  is  built  of  brick  in  a 
most  substantial  manner,  and  handsomely  finished  ;  it  is,  per 
haps,  about  90  x  50  feet,  three  stories  (including  basement), 
and  has  a  wide  portico,  fronting  south,  with  massive  Doric 
columns  thirty  feet  high,  and  is  surrounded  by  a  grove  of 
magnificent  oaks  covering  several  acres.  While  the  location 
is  not  as  commanding  as  many  others  in  that  section,  being  in 
lower  Loudoun  where  the  rolling  character  of  the  Piedmont 
region  begins  to  loose  itself  in  the  flat  lands  of  tide  water,  the 
house  in  two  directions  commands  an  attractive  and  some 
what  extensive  view,  but  on  the  other  sides  it  is  hemmed  in 
by  mountains,  for  the  local  names  of  which,  "  Bull  Run  "  and 

1  Compare  Savage,  New  England  Genealogical  Dictionary, 
iii.  256,  257. 


220  APPENDIX. 

"  Nigger  Mountain,"  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  late  President  is  in 
no  wise  responsible,  and,  indeed,  the  same  may  be  said  of  the 
river  or  creek  which  breaks  through  these  ranges  within  a 
mile  or  two  of  Oak  Hill.  Tom  Moore,  in  a  poetic  letter  as 
brilliant  as  it  is  ill-natured,  satirizing  Washington  city,  writes, 
"  And  what  was  Goose  Creek  once  is  Tiber  now ;  "  but  the 
fact  is  that  no  such  stream  is  found  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  national  capital.  The  little  stream  that  washes  the  con 
fines  of  the  Oak  Hill  estate  once  bore  the  Indian  name  Gohon- 
garestaw  (the  River  of  Swans),  and  is  now  called  Goose  Creek. 
The  following  anecdote  connected  with  Oak  Hill  is,  perhaps, 
worthy  of  preservation.  On  the  occasion  of  Lafayette's  visit 
to  Loudoun,  a  large  number  of  distinguished  guests  were  en 
tertained  at  Oak  Hill.  It  was  at  the  dinner  in  Leesburg, 
given  to  Lafayette,  that  Mr.  Adams  drank  the  celebrated 
toast  to  the  "  Patriots  of  the  Revolution  —  like  the  Sibylline 
leaves,  the  fewer  they  become,  the  more  precious  they  are."  In 
riding  back  to  Oak  Hill,  Mr.  Adams,  Major  William  Noland, 
and  Mr.  Hay  were  thrown  together,  when  the  last-named  gen 
tleman,  with  an  apology  for  the  seeming  impertinence,  asked 
Mr.  Adams  where  he  conceived  the  beautiful  sentiment  he  had 
that  day  drunk.  Mr.  Adams  said  that  the  toast  was  inspired 
that  morning  by  a  sight  of  the  picture  of  the  Sibyl  that  hung 
in  the  Oak  Hill  hall.  "  How  strange  ! "  said  Mr.  Hay,  "/  have 
been  looking  at  that  picture  for  years,  and  that  thought  never 
occurred  to  me." 

There  are  several  quite  good  pictures  of  the  Oak  HilJ  house 
extant  —  one  on  Taylor's  map  of  Loudoun  County,  and  others 
in  the  histories  of  Virginia  (for  example,  in.  Howe's  "Histor 
ical  Collections  of  Virginia,"  p.  356). 


WTFTHr^ 

n  (UNIVERSITY 
j& 

WASHINGTON'S  NOTES  UPON 

MONROE'S  "  VIEW  OF  THE  CONDUCT  or  THE 

EXECUTIVE,"    NOW   FIRST    PRINTED. 

[From  the  copy  by  Mr.  Sparks  now  owned  by  the  Library 
of  Cornell  University.  The  figures  indicate  the  pages  in  the 
appendix  to  Monroe's  "  View,"  from  which  catch-words  are 
taken,  introducing  the  notes  written  by  Washington  on  his 
copy.] 

Page  119  —  "jealousy  and  distrust" 
Principally  because   he   asserted   our  rights   and 
claimed  redress. 

On  what  ground  the  suspicion,  when  it  was  a  noto 
rious  fact  that  (we)  were  upon  the  worst  terms  short 
of  open  war  with  G.  Britain  ? 

His  communications  with  the  French  Govt.  con 
tradict  this,  arid  accounts  \_sic~\  satisfactorily  for  the 
delay  of  the  reception,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference 
thereto. 

Page  120  —  "  that  I  should  pursue  ?  " 
As  nothing  but  justice,  and  the  fulfilment  of  a  con 
tract  was  asked,  it  dictated  firmness  conducted  with 
temperence  [sic]  in  the  pursuit  of  it. 

Page  120  —  " were  closed  against  me" 
This  appears  nowhere  but  in  his  own  conjectures 
and  o/fer-assertions,  for  from  his  own  account  at  the 


222  APPENDIX. 

time  the  delay  of  his  reception  was  satisfactorily  ex 
plained,  and  had  been  the  cause  of  another  waiting  of 
six  weeks.1  See  his  letter  of  the  25  of  Aug.,  p.  16. 

Page  120  —  "place  a  greater  confidence?" 
By  whom  were  they  advised  ?  and  what  evidences 
are  alluded  to  ? 

Page  122  —  "  and  then  defy  us." 
Was  a  good  understanding  to  be  interrupted  be 
cause  we  were  endeavoring  to  live  in  peace  with  all 
the  world?  and  were  only  asking  from  France  wha; 
we  were  entitled  to  by  treaty  ? 

Page  122  —  "  in  favour  of  that  administration : " 
It  is  not  understood  what  is  here  meant  by  conces 
sion.     None  was  asked,  or  any  \_sic]  thought  of  be 
ing  made. 

Page  122 —  "  decisively  on  the  decline." 

It  will  not  be  denied,  it  is  presumed  [«c],  that 
there  had  been  and  might  again  be  great  vicissitudes 
in  their  affairs,  bothe  \_sic~\  externally  and  inter 
nally.  Prudence  and  policy  therefore  required,  that 
the  Govt.  of  the  U.  S.  should  move  with  great  cir 
cumspection. 

Page  123  —  "  the  point  in  question." 
A  very  singular  mode  truly  to  obtain  it,  but  look 

1  This  "  waiting  of  six  weeks  "  refers  to  the  delay  in  receiv 
ing  the  minister  of  Geneva.  —  EDITOR. 


APPENDIX.  223 

to  letter  of  Nov.  7th,  1794,  pp.  58,  59,  and  judge 
whether  it  would  not  have  been  accomplished  sooner 
if  he  had  desired  it ;  —  and  what  can  he  mean  by  not 
conceding,  when  in  explicit  terms  he  has  declared 
that  the  point,  if  upon  consideration  they  desired  it, 
would  have  been  given  up  with  pleasure ! 

Page  123  —  "  upon  the  slightest  intimation" 
That  is  to  say,  if  we  would  not  press  them  to  do 
us  justice,  but  have  yielded  to  their  violations,  they 
would  \_sic~\  aided  us  in  every  measure,  which  would 
have  cost  them  nothing. 

Page  124  —  "from  the  western  posts  " 
By  what  means  were  the  British  to  be  expelled 
from  the  Western  posts,  without  first  conquering 
Canada,  or  passing  thro'  the  territory  of  the  U.  S., 
and  would  not  the  latter,  by  the  law  of  nations,  have 
been  a  cause  of  war  ?  The  truth  is  Mr.  Manroe  \_sic\ 
was  cajoled,  flattered,  and  made  to  believe  strange 
things.  In  return  he  did,  or  was  disposed  to  do, 
whatever  was  pleasing  to  that  nation  ;  reluctantly 
urging  the  rights  of  his  own. 

Page  140  —  " in  the  second  the  whole" 
This  is  a  mistake,  —  no  such  promise  to  be  found 
in  the  2d  letter.     See  p.  105,  Nov.  25th. 

Page  140  —  "  to  me  on  the  subject  ?  " 
The  intention  was  to  enable  him  on  the  veracity 
and  authority  of  the  negotiator  of  the  Treaty  to  as- 


224  APPENDIX. 

sert,  that  there  was  nothing  contained  in  it  repug 
nant  to  our  engagement  with  France,  and  that  wa.s 
all  that  they  or  he  had  a  right  to  expect. 

Page  147  —  "power  alone  to  make,  it,  etc." 
And  this  ought  to  have  satisfied  the  French  Govt. 
It  was  as  much  as  that  Govt.  would  have  done  fo 
ils  or  any  other  nation. 

Page  118  —  "my  secretary,  Mr.  Gauvain  " 
Here  is  a  striking  instance  of  his  folly.  Thh 
secretary  of  his  was  a  foreigner  —  it  is  believed  a 
Frenchman  —  introduced  no  doubt  to  his  confidence 
and  papers  for  the  sole  purpose  of  communicating  to 
the  Directory  the  secrets  of  his  office. 

Page  160  —  "  with  you  in  June  next." 
The  sufferings  of  our  citizens  are  always  a  sec 
ondary  consideration  when   put  in  competition  with 
the  embarrassments  of  the  French. 

Page  161  —  "  reasons  above  suggested" 
Hence  is  a  disregard  shown  to  repeated  orders  of 
his  government  to  press  this  matter 

Page  207  —  "  me  to  do  it  here" 
What  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  this  declara 
tion  ?  What  light  is  it  in  Philadelphia,  that  is  to 
discover  the  sense  of  the  French  Govt.  in  Paris, 
before  it  was  divulged  there  ?  —  except  the  conduct 
of  the  French  party  by  whom  the  wheels  were  to  be 
moved  ? 


APPENDIX.  225 

Page  210  —  "  of  this  government" 
If  he  does  not  mean  himself  here,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  guess  who  the  other  character  is  marked  out  by 
this  description. 

Page  210  —  "  of  what  kind  must  it  be  ?  " 
War  was    the   suggestion,   and  is  here   repeated. 
This  has  no  horrors  when  waged  iu  favor  of  France, 
but  dreadful  even  in  thought  when  it  is  against  her. 


297  —  "  decide  in  his  case." 
Mr.    Fen  wick    was   accused    of   covering    by    the 
American   flag  French  money  under  false  invoices, 
but  Mr.  M.  could  readily  excuse  this  breach  of  faith 
in  his  office. 

Page  313  —  "furnished  lose  its  force." 
England  before  the  late  treaty  with  the  U.  S.  and 
France  were  different  in  their  commercial  relations 
with  America. 

Page  314  —  "than  in  precise  terms  ;" 
For  the   best   reason   imaginable  ;   because  none 
could  be  urged  that  had  any  weight  in  them. 


Page  321  —  "  the  United  States  have  taken" 
Only  in  cases  where  the  captors  have  contravened 
the  treaty  —  acting  contrary  to  the  laws  of  nations 
—  or  our  own  municipal  laws. 


15 


226  APPENDIX. 

Page  322  —  "prizes  into  those  ports." 
A  single  instance  only  of  a  prize  being  brought  in 
is  recollected,  arid  against  it  a  strong  remonstrance 
was  made  ;  —  without  prizes,  ships  of  war  are  not  re 
strained  by  the  Treaty. 

Page  322  —  "  executing  their  judgments" 
No  interruption  has  been  given  to  this.     To  carry 
their  own  judgments  into  effect  has  constituted  the 
difficulty,  —  and  in  its  nature  it  is  nearly  impossible 
to  do  it. 

Page  322  —  "  certified  ly  the  consuls:' 
This  is  the  French  construction  of  the  Act.     The 
Judiciary  of  the  U.  S.  interpret  it  otherwise  ;  over 
whom  the  Executive  have  [sicj  no  control. 

Page  322  —  "  safeguard  of  their  flag  " 
This  arrestation   was    for    an    offence    committed 
against  the  law  of  nations  and  those  of  the   U.  S. 
and  has  been  explained  over  and  over  again.     See 
the  Secty  of  State's  Letter,  13th  of  June,  p.  364. 

Page  323  —  " merited  an  example" 
What  more  could  the  U.  S.   do  than  was  done  ? 
See  the  Secty  of  State's  Letter,  Sept,  14th,  1795,  p. 
292. 

Page  323  —  "  least  contested,  of  neutrality" 
These  are  assertions  upon  false  premises.    Strange 


APPENDIX.  227 

indeed  would  it  be  if  the  U.  S.  could  not  make  a 
treaty  without  the  consent  of  the  French  Govt.  when 
that  treaty  infracted  no  prior  engagements,  but  ex 
pressly  recognizes  and  confirms  them. 

Page  323  —  "  the  principles  of  neutrality  ?  " 
They  have  given  nothing,  but  left  those  principles 
precisely  upon  the  ground  they  stood  [sic~\  before 
the  Treaty ;  with  some  explanations  favorable  to  the 
U.  S.  and  not  injurious  to  France.  They  have  made 
nothing  contraband,  that  was  not  contraband  before  ; 
—  nor  was  it  in  their  power  to  obtain  from  G.  B. 
a  change,  which  the  Armed  Neutrality,  (as  it  was 
called)  could  not  when  combined  accomplish. 

Page  345  —  "  and  without  delay." 
How  strangely  inconsistent  are  his  accounts  ! 

Page  356  —  "  most  strict  reciprocity." 
From  hence  it  follows,  that  if  A  makes  a  contract 
with  B,  and  C  will  not  make  a  similar  contract  with 
him,  B  will  not  be  bound  by  his  contract,  although 
the  cases  are  unconnected  with  eachother  [si'c]. 

Page  359  —  "course  of  the  present  war." 
All  this  he  ought  to  have  done,  and  was  instructed 
to  do  in  the  beginning ;  and  had  it  been  urged  with 
firmness  and  temperance,  might  have  prevented  the 
evils  which  have  taken  place  since. 

Page  359  —  "  my  duty  would  permit ;  " 
And  a  great  deal  more  than  his  duty  permitted. 


228  APPENDIX. 

Page  371  —  "  the  merit  of  this  delay  ;  " 
By  implication  he  has  done   this  in  a  variety  of 
instances. 

Page  371  —  "was  the  true  cause  of  it." 
That   is,    by  not   pressing    the   execution    of   the 
Treaty ;  and  for  compensation  to  our  suffering  citi 
zens.     This  no  doubt  was  accommodating  and  pleas 
ing  one  party  at  the  expense  of  the  other. 

Page  374  —  "  be  passed  by  unnoticed." 
Did  France  expect,  that  the  U.  S.  could  compel  G. 
B.  to  relinquish  this  right  under  the  law  of  nations, 
while  \_sic~]  the  other  maritime  powers  of  Europe  (as 
has  been  observed  before),  when  combined  for  the 
purpose  were  unable  to  effect  [sic~\.  Why  then  call 
it  an  abandonment  ? 

Page  377  —  " what  they  did  avow" 
This  is  all  external  and  a  flimsy  covering  of  their 
designs.    Why  else  send  their  emissaries  through  that, 
country  to  inculcate  different  principles  among  the 
inhabitants,  a  fact  that  could  be  substantiated. 

Page  390  —  " nations  had  sworn  to" 
Yes,  Citizen,  and  every  one  else  who  can  read  are 
\_sic~\  acquainted  with  [_sic~\  facts ;  and  your  violations 
of  our  rights  under  the  Treaty  prove  (?)  it  also. 


APPENDIX.  229 

Page  391  —  "  be  made  through  you" 
The  treatment  of  our  minister,  Gen1  Pinckney,  is 
a  pretty  evidence  of  this  ;  —  The  thot'  \_sic~]  of  parting 
with  Mr.  Monroe  was  insupportable  by  them. 

III. 
SYNOPSIS  OF  MONROE'S  PRESIDENTIAL  MESSAGES.1 

PRESIDENT  MONROE'S  inaugural  addresses  and 
annual  messages  are  of  greater  length  than  those  of 
any  of  his  predecessors.  His  fifteen  special  mes 
sages  are  almost  all  brief;  one,  however,  that  of  May 

4,  1822,  on  internal  improvements,  is  of  extraordi 
nary  length. 

In  his  first  inaugural  address,  delivered  on  March 

5,  1817,  he  dwells   upon   the  happy  condition  into 
which  the  country  had  been  brought  by  the  excel 
lence  of  its   political  institutions  and  the  bounty  of 
Nature.      Protection   of    its  liberty  and   prosperity 
against  dangers  from  within  could   be  secured  only 
by  maintaining  the  excellence  of  the  national  char 
acter.     To   secure  it   against  dangers  from  without, 
the  coast  and  frontier  defences,  the  army,  the  navy, 
but  especially  the  militia,  should  be  maintained  in  a 
state  of  efficiency.     Attention  is  drawn  to  the  advan 
tages  of  developing  the  resources  of  the  country  and 

1  The  following  summary  of  the  speeches  and  messages  of 
James  Monroe,  printed  in  the  Statesman's  Manual,  has  been 
prepared  for  insertion  here  by  J.  F.  Jameson,  Ph.  D.,  of  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University. 


230  APPENDIX. 

drawing  the  various  parts  of  the  Union  more  closely 
together  by  the  construction  of  roads  and  canals,  to 
the  extent  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution  ;  of  increas 
ing  the  independence  and  strength  of  the  industrial 
system  of  the  country  by  the  care  of  the  government; 
of  paying  the  national  debt  at  an  early  period ;  and, 
in  general,  of  making  those  improvements  for  which 
peace  gives  the  best  opportunity.  He  promises  that 
the  new  administration  will  do  all  in  its  power  to 
secure  efficiency  in  all  departments  of  the  public  ser 
vice,  to  maintain  peace  with  other  nations,  and  to 
promote  the  increased  harmony  then  pervading  the 
Union. 

In  the  first  annual  message  of  President  Monroe, 
dated  December  2,  1817  (which  opens  with  con 
gratulations  on  the  progress  of  the  national  defences 
and  the  increase  of  harmony),  he  speaks  of  the  diplo 
matic  relations  with  England,  and  with  Spain  and 
her  revolted  colonies,  the  national  revenue  and  the 
rapid  extinguishment  of  the  debt,  recent  purchases  of 
lands  from  the  Indians,  our  relations  with  them,  the 
method  of  sale  of  public  lands,  the  constitutional- 
i  ity  of  improvements  in  inter-communication  executed 
at  national  expense,  American  manufactures,  public 
buildings  at  the  federal  capital,  pensions  for  soldiers 
of  the  Revolution,  and  the  repeal  of  the  internal 
taxes.  Under  the  first  head  he  reports  the  comple 
tion  of  arrangements  for  reducing  naval  forces  on 
Lake  Erie,  the  progress  of  various  minor  negotia 
tions  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  and  the  failure  of  our  proposals  for  the  open- 


APPENDIX.  231 

ing  of  the  ports  in  the  "West  Indies  and  other  British 
colonies  to  American  vessels;  how  this  shall  be  met 
he  leaves  to  Congress.  He  complains  of  violations 
of  our  neutrality  by  both  Spain  and  her  colonies,  but 
expresses  the  belief  that  the  occupation  and  hostile 
use  of  portions  of  territory  claimed  by  us,  at  Amelia 
Island  and  Galveston,  were  not  authorized  by  the  lat 
ter,  and  defends  the  suppression  of  these  resorts.  He 
recommends  provision  for  the  better  civilization  of 
the  Indians  upon  the  Western  frontier,  whose  lands 
have  recently  been  bought,  and  such  regulation  of 
the  sale  of  the  tracts  thus  opened  to  immigrants  as 
shall  most  benefit  the  general  government  and  the 
settlers.  Concerning  the  right  to  make  internal  im 
provements  he  says,  "  Disregarding  early  impres 
sions,  I  have  bestowed  on  the  subject  all  the  delib 
eration  which  its  great  importance  and  a  just  sense 
of  my  duty  required,  and  the  result  is  a  settled  con 
viction  in  my  mind  that  Congress  do  not  possess  the 
right."  But  he  suggests  a  constitutional  amendment 
giving  the  right  to  do  this  and  to  institute  seminaries 
of  learning.  He  recommends  the  repeal  of  the  inter 
nal  taxes,  believing  them  no  longer  necessary. 

A  special  message  of  January  13,  1818,  informs 
Congress  that  the  settlement  at  Amelia  Island,  and 
probably  that  at  Galveston,  has  been  broken  up.  The 
President  considers  this  justified  by  their  character, 
and  declares  that  nothing  has  been  or  will  be  done  to 
injure  Spain. 

The  second  annual  message,  dated  November  17, 
1818,  opens  with  a  statement  by  the  President  of  the 


232  APPENDIX. 

arrangements  which  had  been  made  with  reference  to 
a  continuation  of  the  convention  with  Great  Britain. 
He  discusses  the  troubles  in  Florida,  mentions  the 
progress  of  the  South  American  revolutions  and  the 
mediation  proposed  by  the  allied  powers,  notices  the 
excellent  condition  of  the  national  finances,  and  rec 
ommends  further  protection.  He  dwells  with  satis 
faction  upon  the  progress  of  the  system  of  defences, 
and  upon  the  admission  of  a  new  State,  Illinois,  be 
lieving  that  the  rise  of  new  States  within  our  borders 
will  produce  the  greatest  benefits,  both  material  and 
political.  He  recommends  such  provision  for  the  In 
dians  as  will,  if  possible,  prevent  their  extinction,  ac 
custom  them  to  agriculture,  and  promote  civilization 
among  them ;  and  the  establishment  of  a  government 
for  the  District  of  Columbia  more  agreeable  to  princi 
ples  of  self-government.  His  statements  as  to  events 
in  Florida  ought,  perhaps,  to  be  represented  more 
fully.  He  draws  a  strong  picture  of  the  impotence 
of  the  Spanish  authorities,  of  the  lawless  character 
of  the  adventurers  who  seized  upon  various  positions 
in  the  province,  and  of  the  dangers  to  which  the  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States  were  subjected,  at  sea  by 
the  depredations  of  the  adventurers  and  on  land  by 
the  attacks  of  the  Indians  incited  by  them.  As  Spain 
could  not  govern  the  region,  and  would  not  transfer 
it,  the  only  course  open  to  our  government,  says 
the  President,  was  to  suppress  the  establishment  at 
Amelia  Island,  and  to  carry  the  pursuit  of  the  In 
dians  so  far  as  to  prevent  further  disturbance  from 
them,  or  from  their  inciters,  English  or  Spanish  ;  but 


APPENDIX.  233 

care  has  been  taken  to  show  due  respect  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  Spain. 

The  negotiations  of  our  government  with  that  of 
Spain  form  the  chief  subject  of  the  annual  message 
of  December  7,  1819.  A  treaty  by  which  the  Span 
ish  government  ceded  to  the  United  States  the  prov 
ince  of  Florida,  while  the  United  States  renounced 
its  claims  to  the  part  of  Louisiana  west  of  the  River 
Sabine  (known  as  Texas),  and  its  claims  to  compen 
sation  for  injuries  sustained  by  its  citizens  from  Span 
ish  cruisers  some  twenty  years  before,  had,  early  in 
this  year,  been  concluded  at  Washington  and  rati 
fied  by  the  government  there.  It  was  then  sent  to 
Madrid,  but,  unexpectedly,  the  Spanish  government 
delayed  ratifying  it,  alleging  not  only  that  attempts 
had  been  made  by  United  States  citizens  against 
Texas,  but  that  our  Minister  at  Madrid  had,  as  in 
structed,  when  presenting  the  treaty  for  ratification, 
accompanied  it  by  a  declaration  explaining  the  mean 
ing  given  to  one  of  its  articles.  In  the  present  mes 
sage  the  President  comments  severely  upon  the  con 
duct  of  the  Spanish  court,  denies  its  first  charge 
absolutely,  and  explains  that  the  second  refers  to  a 
correction  enabling  the  treaty  to  cover,  as  both  gov 
ernments  agreed  that  it  should  cover,  all  cases  of 
land  grants  of  a  specified  sort.  He  declares  that  the 
conduct  of  Spain  is  perfectly  unjustifiable,  and  is 
so  regarded  by  European  governments,  and  that  it 
would  be  right  for  our  government  to  carry  out  the 
treaty  fairly,  alone;  but  suggests  forbearance  until 
the  expected  envoy  shall  have  arrived  from  Madrid. 


234  APPENDIX. 

Other  matters,  new  and  old,  which  the  President  dis 
cusses  in  this  message  are,  the  preservation  of  our 
neutrality  in  the  South  American  conflict,  the  Cana 
dian  and  West  Indian  commerce,  the  treasury,  the 
contraction  of  bank  circulation  and  depression  of  in 
dustry,  the  coast  survey,  the  increase  of  the  navy, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron. 

A  special  message,  sent  a  few  days  later,  Decem 
ber  17,  describes,  and  submits  to  amendment  by  Con^ 
gress,  the  arrangements  which  the  Executive  had 
made  for  the  transference  to  Africa  of  negroes  cap 
tured  in  accordance  with  the  act  for  the  abolition  of 
the  slave-trade. 

In  the  last  annual  message  of  his  first  term,  that 
of  November  14,  1820,  President  Monroe  takes  oc 
casion  to  review  the  present  situation  of  the  Union. 
He  expresses  the  greatest  satisfaction  at  our  wonder 
ful  prosperity.  While  certain  interests  have  suffered 
depression  because  of  the  long  European  wars  and 
the  consequent  industrial  derangements,  he  regards 
these  as  mild  and  instructive  admonitions,  and  as  ac 
cumulating  "  multiplied  proofs  of  the  great  perfec 
tion  of  our  most  excellent  system  of  government,  the 
powerful  instrument  in  the  hands  of  an  All-merciful 
Creator,  in  securing  to  us  these  blessings."  He  re 
ports  that  the  treaty  with  Spain  is  not  yet  ratified, 
while  Florida  is  constantly  made  a  basis  of  smug 
gling  operations ;  that  the  restrictions  on  commerce 
to  and  from  the  West  Indies  continue ;  and  that  ne 
gotiations  have  been  commenced  for  a  commercial 
treaty  with  France,  and  recommends  legislation  mak- 


APPENDIX.  235 

ing  more  just  the  recent  tonnnge  duties  on  French 
vessels.  South  American  affairs  are,  as  usual,  men 
tioned.  The  rapid  reduction  of  the  public  debt  is 
noted,  as  showing  the  extent  of  the  national  re 
sources.  The  President  then  recommends  legisla 
tion  to  relieve  those  who  have  bought  public  lands 
on  credit  in  days  of  higher  prices.  He  reports  prog 
ress  in  the  preparation  of  the  extensive  system  of 
fortifications,  and  sets  forth  the  great  advantages  to 
be  expected  from  them,  and,  more  briefly,  those  de 
rivable  from  the  frontier  posts  among  the  Indians  and 
the  naval  squadrons  abroad. 

In  his  second  inaugural  address,  delivered  March 
4,  1821,  President  Monroe  first  expresses  his  grati 
tude  for  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  his 
satisfaction  at  the  general  accord  with  which  it  has 
been  expressed.  "  Having  no  pretensions,"  says  he, 
"  to  the  high  and  commanding  claims  of  my  prede 
cessors,  whose  names  are  so  much  more  conspicu 
ously  identified  with  our  Revolution,  and  who  con 
tributed  so  preeminently  to  promote  its  success,  I 
consider  myself  rather  as  the  instrument  than  the 
cause  of  the  union  which  has  prevailed  in  the  late 
election.  ...  It  is  obvious  that  other  powerful 
causes,  indicating  the  great  strength  and  stability  of 
our  Union,  have  essentially  contributed  to  draw  you 
together."  He  then  reviews  the  acts  of  the  govern 
ment  in  the  previous  term,  and,  first  of  all,  the  prog 
ress  made  in  fortification.  Upon  matters  of  foreign 
policy,  the  chief  opinions  expressed  by  him  are,  that 


236  APPENDIX. 

our  neutrality  in  the  South  American  conflict  should 
by  all  means  be  preserved,  that  the  troubles  in  Florida 
could  not  be  ended  in  any  other  way  than  that  pur 
sued,  that  the  treaty  with  Spain  and  the  acquisition 
of  the  Peninsula  will  prove  highly  advantageous  to 
our  country,  and  that  our  naval  squadrons  in  foreign 
waters  have  been  most  efficient  in  suppressing  the 
slave-trade  and  piracy.  He  recommends,  in  view  of 
the  public  exigencies,  the  restoration  of  the  internal 
duties  and  excises,  the  removal  of  which  he  had, 
under  other  circumstances,  suggested  in  a  former 
message.  He  further  recommends  that  the  Indians, 
instead  of  being  treated  as  independent  nations,  be 
settled  upon  lands  granted  to  them  as  individuals, 
and  helped  to  improvement  in  agriculture  and  civil 
ization  ;  and  that  measures  be  taken  to  make  us  al 
ways  capable  of  self-defence.  He  then  compares  the 
excellence  and  success  of  our  government  with  the 
defects  and  failures  of  those  of  the  ancient  republics, 
and  expresses  the  belief  "  that  our  system  will  soon 
attain  the  highest  degree  of  perfection  of  which  hu 
man  institutions  are  capable."  The  address  closes 
with  remarks  upon  the  increase  of  the  area  and  pop 
ulation  of  the  United  States,  and  with  acknowledg 
ments  of  the  ability  and  uprightness  of  the  Presi 
dent's  cabinet  advisers. 

The  principal  subjects  of  the  fifth  annual  message, 
that  of  December  3,  1821,  are,  commercial  relations 
arising  under  the  act  of  March  3, 1815,  and  the  trans 
ference  and  government  of  Florida.  Beside  these, 
the  President  briefly  discusses  Portuguese  and  South 


APPENDIX.  237 

American  affairs,  the  treasury  and  revenue,  incidental 
protection  to  manufactures,  internal  taxation,  now  no 
longer  deemed  necessary,  surveys,  fortifications,  and 
war  vessels,  and  the  efficiency  of  the  Mediterranean 
squadron  in  restraining  the  Barbary  powers,  and  of 
the  naval  forces  elsewhere  in  suppressing  piracy  and 
the  slave-trade.  The  act  of  March  3,  1815,  had  pro 
vided  that  the  manufactures  and  productions  of  any 
foreign  nation,  imported  into  the  United  States  in 
vessels  of  the  same  nation,  should,  whenever  the  Ex 
ecutive  should  be  satisfied  that  the  nation  in  question 
had  conferred  the  same  privilege  upon  our  commerce, 
be  exempted  from  the  payment  of  any  further  duties 
than  would  be  paid  upon  the  same  merchandise  if 
imported  in  our  ships.  It  was  thought,  says  the 
President,  that  the  proposal  was  liberal,  and  that 
any  power  acceding  to  it  would  also  throw  open  the 
trade  of  its  colonies  to  foreign  vessels  on  a  similar 
basis.  But  England,  while  accepting  it  for  her  Euro 
pean  dominions,  has  declined  it  for  the  West  Indies, 
and  France  has  declined  it  altogether ;  direct  trade 
with  the  West  Indies  and  France  in  our  vessels  and 
theirs  has  therefore  ceased.  He  expresses  regret  at 
the  extreme  interpretation  put  by  the  French  gov 
ernment  upon  the  most-favored-nation  clause  in  the 
treaty  of  1803,  and  defends  the  seizure  of  the  Apollo, 
on  the  nominally  Spanish  side  of  the  St.  Mary's 
River,  on  the  ground  that  the  sole  purpose  of  its 
presence  there  was  to  elude  our  revenue  laws.  He 
reports  the  extension  of  the  reciprocity  system  of  the 
act  of  1815  by  treaties  with  several  powers.  In 


238  APPENDIX. 

announcing  the  transfer  of  Florida,  he  comments  se 
verely  upon  the  refusal  of  the  Spanish  officials  in 
charge  to  transfer  the  land  records  of  the  province. 
He  describes  the  measures  taken  for  the  provisional 
government  of  the  district,  regrets  the  dissensions 
which  have  occurred  in  it,  recommends  the  prompt 
establishment  of  a  territorial  government  for  it,  and 
reports  progress  in  the  satisfaction  of  the  claims  of 
our  citizens  against  Spain. 

During  this  same  session  several  special  messages 
were  sent  to  Congress.  The  first,  on  February  25, 
1822,  suggests  a  larger  appropriation  for  a  treaty  with 
the  Cherokees;  the  second,  dated  March  8,  1822, 
relates  to  the  contest  between  Spain  and  her  colonies. 
The  opinion  is  expressed  that  recent  events  have 
made  it  manifest  that  the  colonies  not  only  possess 
independence,  but  are  certain  to  retain  it,  and  that 
the  recognition  of  their  independence  by  us  should 
now  be  made,  that  it  cannot  be  regarded  by  Spain  as 
improper,  and  may  help  to  shorten  the  struggle.  A 
longer  special  message  of  March  26  refers  to  the  for 
tifications  at  Dauphin  Island  at  the  mouth  of  Mobile 
Bay,  and,  incidentally,  to  the  subject  of  fortifications  in 
general.  The  President  demonstrates  the  necessity 
of  extensive  fortifications  at  that  point  for  the  protec 
tion  not  only  of  Mobile  but  of  New  Orleans,  and 
thus  of  the  whole  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  He  ends 
the  message  with  a  strong  vindication  of  the  policy  of 
fortification  adopted  by  Congress  soon  after  the  late 
destructive  war  with  England  ;  he  shows  that  the 
amount  of  loss  which,  in  any  similar  emergency, 


APPENDIX.  239 

would  be  thus  prevented,  far  exceeds  the  cost  of  the 
works  themselves,  and  that  the  latter  has  been,  and 
is  being,  defrayed  without  sensibly  increasing  the 
burdens  resting  upon  the  people. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  the  special  messages 
of  President  Monroe  are  those  vetoing  the  Cumber 
land  Road  Bill,  and  giving  the  reasons  therefor. 
In  the  former  he.  briefly  declares  his  opinion  that  the 
power  to  pass  such  a  law  implies  the  power  to  adopt 
and  execute  a  complete  system  of  internal  improve 
ment,  and  that  such  a  power  is  neither  specifically 
nor  incidentally  granted  by  the  Constitution.  The 
session  being  too  advanced  to  permit  him  to  include 
his  reasons  in  this  message,  he  instead  transmits  to 
Congress  an  exposition  of  his  views  on  the  subject 
previously  committed  to  paper,  arid  having  a  form 
somewhat  different  from  that  which  would  have  been 
adopted  in  a  message.  The  paper  so  transmitted 
forms  a  special  message  of  great  length,  setting  forth 
fully  the  President's  views  on  internal  improve 
ments. 

This  message  may  be  divided  into  four  parts.  In 
the  first  he  discusses  the  general  subject  of  the  divi 
sion  of  powers  between  the  general  government  and 
the  State  governments ;  in  the  second  he  describes  the 
powers  which  the  general  government  would  have  to 
exercise  if  it  possessed  the  right  claimed  for  it ;  in  the 
third  he  controverts  in  detail  the  arguments  of  those 
who  seek  to  derive  the  power  in  question  from  va 
rious  powers  conceded  to  Congress  by  the  Constitu- 


240  APPENDIX. 

tion  ;  in  the  fourth  he  declares  the  advantages  of  the 
possession  of  such  a  power  by  them,  if  carefully  con 
fined  to  great  works  of  national  importance,  and  rec 
ommends  an  amendment  to  secure  that  end. 

The  subjects  of  the  first  portion  are,  the  origin  of 
the  State  governments  and  their  endowments  when 
first  formed ;  the  origin  of  the  national  government 
and  the  powers  vested  in  it,  and  the  powers  which 
are  admitted  to  have  remained  to  the  State  govern 
ments.  The  views  disclosed  in  it  are  substantially  the 
following:  When  the  power  of  the  crown  was  ab 
rogated,  the  authority  which  had  been  held  by  it 
vested  exclusively  in  the  people  of  the  colonies. 
These  appointed  a  Congress.  They  also  formed 
State  governments,  to  which  all  necessary  powers  of 
government,  not  vested  in  Congress,  were  imparted, 
the  sovereignty  still  residing  in  the  people.  Mean 
while  the  powers  of  Congress,  though  vast,  were  un 
defined.  Hence  the  plan  of  confederation  ratified  in 
1781.  Now  it  may  fairly  be  presumed  that  where 
grants  of  certain  powers  were  transferred  in  the 
same  terms  from  this  to  the  Constitution  of  1788, 
they  should  be  construed  in  the  same  sense  in  the 
latter  which  they  bore  in  the  former.  Its  principal 
provisions  are  therefore  here  inserted.  Its  incompe 
tence  being  demonstrated,  the  new  Constitution  was 
formed  and  ratified,  the  State  governments  them 
selves  taking  the  lead  in  this  forward  movement.  A 
compact  was  thus  formed,  which  cannot  be  altered 
except  by  those  who  formed  it,  and  in  the  mode  in  it 
described.  Thus  there  were  two  separate  and  inde- 


APPENDIX.  241 

pendent  governments  established  over  the  Union,  one 
for  local  purposes  over  each  State,  by  the  people  of 
the  State  ;  the  other  for  national  purposes  over  all  the 
States,  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Both 
governments  have  a  common  origin  or  sovereign,  the 
people,  whose  whole  power,  on  the  representative  prin 
ciple,  is  divided  between  them.  As  a  result  of  this 
survey,  two  important  facts  are  disclosed  ;  the  first  is, 
that  the  power  or  sovereignty  passed  from  the  crown 
directly  to  the  people ;  the  second,  that  it  passed  to 
the  people  of  each  colony,  and  not  to  the  people  of 
all  the  colonies  in  the  aggregate.  Had  it  been  other 
wise,  had  the  people  not  had  equal  rights  and  a  com 
mon  interest  in  the  struggle,  or  had  the  sovereignty 
passed  to  the  aggregate,  the  Revolution  might  not  have 
succeeded.  But,  clearly,  power  passed  to  the  people  of 
each  colony,  for  the  chartered  rights  whose  violation 
produced  the  Revolution  were  those  secured  by  the 
charters  of  each  colony  ;  and  the  composition  and 
conduct  of  Congress  confirm  this  position.  The 
powers  granted  by  the  Constitution  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  are  then  detailed.  On 
the  powers  remaining  to  the  governments  of  the 
States,  it  is  observed,  that  the  territory  contemplated 
by  the  Constitution  is  the  territory  of  the  several 
States,  and  under  their  jurisdiction  ;  the  people,  the 
people  of  the  several  States ;  the  militia,  the  holding 
of  property,  the  administration  of  justice,  the  criminal 
code,  are  all  under  the  control  of  the  State  govern 
ments,  except  in  cases  otherwise  specially  provided 
for.  The  right  of  the  general  government  is,  in 
16 


242  APPENDIX. 

short,  a  power  to  perform  certain  specified  acts  and 
those  only. 

The  second  division  of  the  message  discusses  briefly 
the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  requisite  to  the 
general  government  in  order  to  adopt  and  execute  a 
system  of  internal  improvement,  a  necessary  prelim 
inary  to  the  decision  whether  it  has  this  power.  First, 
says  the  President,  it  must  be  able  to  buy  the  land 
even  in  spite  of  the  owner's  refusal  to  sell ;  secondly, 
it  must  be  able  to  punish  those  who  injure  the  road 
or  canal,  by  having  not  only  jurisdiction  over  it  but 
power  to  bring  them  to  justice,  wherever  caught ; 
thirdly,  it  must  be  able  to  establish  tolls  and  provide 
for  their  collection  and  for  the  punishment  of  those 
infringing  such  regulations. 

If.  he  continues,  the  United  States  possess  this 
power,  it  must,  since  it  has  not  been  specifically 
granted,  be  derived  from  one  of  the  following  sources  : 
First,  the  right  to  establish  post-offices  and  post- 
roads  ;  second,  to  declare  war;  third,  to  regulate  com 
merce  among  the  several  States  ;  fourth,  from  the 
•power  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States  ; 
fifth,  from  the  power  to  make  all  laws  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution  all  the  powers 
vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof  ; 
sixth,  from  the  power  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting,  the  territory 
and  other  property  of  the  United  States.  From  some 
one  or  other  of  these  the  advocates  of  the  power  derive 


APPENDIX.  243 

it,  and  all  these  the  President  proceeds,  in  this  third 
part  of  his  message,  to  consider  in  detail. 

As  to  the  first  grant,  it  is  contended  that  it  cannot, 
in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word  "establish,"  be 
held  to  mean  anything  more  than  the  use  of  exist 
ing  roads  by  the  mail-carrier  in  passing  over  them  as 
others  do ;  that  the  phrase  must  be  held  to  mean  just 
what  it  did  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  ;  that,  its 
object  being  the  carriage  of  the  mails,  only  what  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  that  object  is  conceded  ;  and 
that  the  proposed  interpretation  would  give  Congress 
the  same  jurisdiction  over  all  the  roads  already  ex 
isting  in  every  State. 

The  claim  under  the  second  grant  mentioned  would 
extend  to  canals  as  well  as  to  roads.  If  internal  im 
provements  are  to  be  carried  to  the  full  extent  to 
which  they  may  be  useful  for  military  purposes, 
the  power  must  extend  to  all  roads  in  the  Union. 
Further,  the  Constitution  makes  a  special  grant  of 
several  rights,  like  that  of  raising  an  army,  which 
might  much  more  certainly  be  derived  from  that  of 
declaring  war  than  could  the  power  in  question ; 
omission  to  mention  the  latter,  therefore,  proves  that 
it  is  not  granted,  as  does  also  the  specification  of  a 
grant  of  jurisdiction  over  land  ceded  for  fortifica 
tions  ;  we  are  obliged  to  infer  that  in  this  case  alone 
is  the  power  given. 

Next,  the  President  takes  up  the  third  argument, 
from  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  between  the 
States.  The  history  of  this  grant  and  of  the  discus 
sions  which  preceded  it  make  it  evident,  he  says,  that 


244  APPENDIX. 

it  was  intended  merely  to  give  power  to  impose  duties 
on  foreign  trade  and  to  prevent  any  on  trade  between 
the  States. 

The  fourth  claim  is  founded  on  the  second  part  of 
the  first  clause  of  Art.  I.  Sec.  9  of  the  Constitution, 
which  reads,  "  The  Congress  shall  have  power,  to  lay 
and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  ;  to  pay 
the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and 
general  welfare  of  the  United  States  ;  but  all  duties, 
imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the 
United  States."  The  reasoning  upon  this  point  is 
in  substance  the  following  :  The  second  phrase  here 
used  gives  a  right  to  appropriate  the  public  money, 
and  it  gives  this  power  alone.  For,  first,  if  the  right 
of  appropriation  is  not  given  by  this  clause  it  is  not 
given  at  all ;  secondly,  this  part  of  the  grant  has  none 
of  the  characteristics  of  a  distinct  and  original  power, 
but  is  manifestly  incidental  to  the  first  part ;  thirdly, 
if  this  is  not  its  real  meaning  it  has  a  scope  so  wide 
as  to  make  unnecessary  all  the  other  grants  in  the 
Constitution,  for  they  would  be  included  in  this; 
further,  the  place  which  this  phrase  occupies  is  ex 
actly  the  one  most  fitting  for  a  grant  of  the  right  of 
appropriation.  If.  then,  this  is  the  power  here  granted, 
it  remains  to  inquire  what  is  the  extent  of  this  power. 
One  construction  is,  that  the  government  has  no  right 
to  expend  money  except  in  the  performance  of  acts 
authorized  by  the  other  specific  grants,  according  to 
a  strict  construction  of  their  nature.  "  To  this  con 
struction,"  says  President  Monroe,  "  I  was  inclined 
in  the  more  early  stage  of  our  government ;  but,  on 


APPENDIX.  245 

further  reflection  and  observation,  my  mind  has  un 
dergone  a  change,  for  reasons  which  I  will  frankly 
unfold."  The  power  to  raise  money  and  the  power 
to  appropriate  it  are  both,  in  this  grant,  conveyed  in 
terms  as  general  and  unqualified  as,  for  instance, 
those  conceding  to  Congress  the  power  to  declare 
war.  More  comprehensive  terms  than  "  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  gen 
eral  welfare "  could  not  have  been  used.  And  so 
intimately  connected  with  and  dependent  on  each 
other  are  the  two  branches  of  power  granted,  that  a 
limitation  of  one  would  have  had  the  like  effect  upon 
the  other.  But  indeed  it  was  impossible  to  have 
created  a  power  within  the  government,  distinct  from 
Congress  and  the  Executive,  which  should  control  the 
movement  of  the  government  in  respect  to  expendi 
tures,  and  not  destroy  it.  This,  then,  must  be  the 
nature  of  the  grant  of  appropriation.  Have  Con 
gress,  then,  a  right  to  raise  and  appropriate  the  public 
money  to  any  and  to  every  purpose,  according  to 
their  will  and  pleasure?  They  certainly  have  not. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  is  a  limited 
government,  instituted  for  great  national  purposes, 
and  for  those  only.  Good  roads  and  canals  will, 
however,  promote  many  very  important  national  pur 
poses.  To  the  appropriation  of  the  public  money  to 
such  improvements  there  seems  to  be  no  well-founded 
constitutional  objection  ;  to  do  anything  further  than 
this  the  general  government  is  not  competent.  This 
has  also  been  the  practice  of  our  government;  for  in 
stance,  in  the  case  of  the  Cumberland  Road,  all  the 


246  APPENDIX. 

acts  of  the  United  States  have  been  based  on  the 
principle  that  the  sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  be 
longed  not  to  the  general  government  but  to  the 
States  ;  Congress  has  simply  appropriated  money 
from  the  public  treasury,  thus  aiding  a  work  of  great 
national  utility. 

The  conclusion  reached  upon  this  point  is,  there 
fore,  that  the  right  to  make  internal  improvements 
has  not  been  granted  by  the  power  to  "  provide  for 
the  common  defence  and  general  welfare,"  but  only 
the  right  to  appropriate  the  public  money  ;  that  the 
government  itself  being  limited,  the  power  to  appro 
priate  is  also  limited,  the  extent  of  the  government, 
as  designated  by  the  specific  grants,  marking  the  ex 
tent  of  the  power,  which  should,  however,  be  ex 
tended  to  every  object  embraced  by  the  fair  scope  of 
those  grants,  and  not  confined  to  a  strict  construc 
tion  of  their  respective  powers  (it  being  safer  to  aid 
the  purposes  of  those  grants  by  the  appropriation  of 
money  than  to  extend,  by  a  forced  construction,  the 
grant  itself)  ;  and  that,  though  the  right  to  appropri 
ate  is  indispensable,  it  is  insufficient  as  a  power  if  a 
great  scheme  of  improvements  is  contemplated. 

Against  the  fifth  source  suggested,  the  power  to 
make  all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  all  powers  vested  by  the  Constitution  in 
the  general  government,  it  is  urged  that  such  a  power 
is  not  by  that  instrument  so  vested. 

Sixthly,  the  second  clause  of  Art.  II.  Sec.  3  of  the 
Constitution  is  shown,  by  the  first  clause  and  by  the 
history  of  the  cessions  of  land  to  the  United  States 


APPENDIX.  247 

by  the  States,  to  refer  to  such  lands  only.  The  power 
to  make  all  needful  regulations  respecting  the  terri 
tory  and  other  property  of  the  United  States  has, 
therefore,  no  bearing  upon  the  subject  of  internal  im 
provements  to  be  made  by  the  general  government. 

Therefore  it  is  concluded  that  the  desired  power  is 
not  possessed.  Much  more  than  the  right  to  appro 
priate  is  required ;  territorial  jurisdiction  over  the 
roads  is  not,  however,  necessary,  but  may  be  left  to 
the  States,  if  the  government  have  the  power  to  pro 
tect  its  works. 

The  great  advantages  of  such  improvements  are 
*  easily  seen,  while  no  other  region  can,  from  its  config 
uration,  be  improved  so  vastly  by  roads  and  canals  at 
so  slight  expense.  The  interchange  of  our  varied  pro 
ductions  would  be  rendered  more  easy  and  commerce 
increased  ;  the  efficiency  of  both  the  general  and  the 
State  governments,  the  intelligence  of  the  people, 
the  strength  of  the  Union,  and  the  expansion  of  our 
system,  would  be  greatly  promoted.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  such  improvements  can  be  made  by  the 
general  government  better  than  by  the  local  govern 
ments,  liable  to  jealousies  and  influences  not  felt  by 
the  former.  The  Cumberland  Road,  in  particular, 
has  a  pressing  need  of  the  use  of  this  power  by  the 
national  government. 

"  If  it  is  thought  proper,"  concludes  the  President, 
'•  to  vest  this  power  in  the  United  States,  the  only 
mode  in  which  it  can  be  done  is  by  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution.  On  full  consideration,  therefore, 
of  the  whole  subject,  I  am  of  opinion  that  such  an 


248 


APPENDIX. 


amendment  ought  to  be  recommended  to  the  sev 
eral  States  for  their  adoption.  It  is,  however,  my 
opinion  that  the  power  should  be  confined  to  great 
national  works  only,  since,  if  it  were  unlimited,  it 
would  be  liable  to  abuse  and  might  be  productive  of 
evil." 

President  Monroe  in  his  sixth  annual  message, 
dated  December  3,  1822,  touches  upon  a  great  variety 
of  subjects.  He  reports  the  conclusion  of  a  satisfac 
tory  commercial  convention  with  France,  the  opening 
of  trade  with  the  British  Colonies,  and  a  decision  by 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  upon  Article  I.  of  the  Treaty  * 
of  Ghent,  and  recommends  the  legislation  which 
these  events  require.  He  announces  the  formation 
of  a  territorial  government  for  Florida  ;  states  the 
prosperous  condition  of  the  finances  ;  summarizes  the 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  especially  as  to  the 
Academy  at  West  Point,  and  that  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  and  recommends  the  removal  of  the  Semi- 
noles.  Referring  to  his  message  upon  the  Cumber 
land  Road,  he  suggests  that  if  Congress  do  not  see 
fit  to  propose  the  amendment  there  advised,  it  can 
certainly  take  measures  to  repair  and  protect  the 
road ;  he  further  recommends  increased  protective 
duties.  The  remainder  of  the  message  deals  with 
foreign  affairs.  The  President  expresses  his  hope 
that  Spain  will  soon  give  up  the  contest  with  her 
colonies,  and  exhibits  strong  sympathy  with  the  cause 
of  Greece.  In  view  of  the  complications  in  Europe 
which  make  war  imminent,  he  exhorts  the  nation, 


APPENDIX.  249 

while  it  congratulates  itself  upon  its  exemption  from 
the  causes  which  disturb  peace  elsewhere,  to  keep 
itself  ever  in  a  position  to  defend  its  liberties  in  any 
emergency. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  seventh  annual  message, 
December  2,  1823,  the  President  explains  the  pur 
pose  of  his  messages,  declaring  that,  as  with  us  the 
people  are  exclusively  the  sovereigns,  they  should  be 
informed  on  all  public  matters,  especially  foreign 
affairs  and  finance.  Progress  is  reported  in  various 
negotiations.  Our  government  having  begun  to  nego 
tiate  with  the  Russian  emperor  and  with  England  in 
-regard  to  the  northwest  boundary,  "  $e  occasion  has 
been  judged  proper  for  asserting,  as  a  principle  in 
which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States 
are  involved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the 
free  and  independent  condition  which  they  have  as 
sumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  con 
sidered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any 
European  powers."  He  mentions  the  proposals  of 
our  government  that  the  slave-trade  be  declared  pi 
racy,  and  that  privateering  be  abolished,  and  expresses 
strong  approval  of  both  these  measures.  The  con 
dition  of  the  finances,  the  War  Department,  the  mili 
tia,  the  navy,  piracies  in  the  Gulf,  the  Post-Office 
Department,  the  tariff,  the  public  accounts,  and  the 
Cumberland  Road,  is  described,  without  recommen 
dations  of  special  significance.  The  project  for  the 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  is  mentioned  with  ap 
proval,  and  an  appropriation  for  a  survey  is  recom 
mended,  as  well  as  for  other  public  works.  The 


250 


APPENDIX. 


most  ardent  wishes  for  the  success  of  Greece  in  win 
ning  independence  are  expressed.  Then  follows  a 
celebrated  passage,  already  reproduced  in  the  text 
of  this  book.  See  p.  158. 

The  message  closes  with  a  comparison  of  the  pres 
ent  state  of  the  country  with  that  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution,  touching  upon  the  additions  to  our  terri 
tory,  the  expansion  of  our  population,  the  accession 
of  new  States,  and  the  strengthening  of  our  system 
to  such  an  extent  that  consolidation  and  disunion  are 
both  impracticable. 

A  special  message,  sent  to  Congress  on  February 
24,  1824,  submitted  to  their  consideration  the  claim 
of  a  portion  of  the  Massachusetts  militia  to  compen 
sation  for  services  in  the  late  war.  The  decision  of 
the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  that  the  power  to 
call  out  the  militia  of  a  State  was  conditional  upon 
the  consent  of  its  Executive,  and  that  when  called  out 
they  could  not  be  placed  under  the  command  of  an 
officer  of  the  regular  army,  had  previously  made  it 
impossible  for  the  national  Executive  to  make  such 
compensation.  Now,  however,  the  principle  in  dis 
pute  being  conceded  by  that  State,  favorable  action 
is  recommended  to  Congress. 

The  important  matters  mentioned  in  the  last  an 
nual  message  of  President  Monroe,  that  of  Decem 
ber  7,  1824,  aside  from  those  which  appear  in  the 
same  form  in  previous  messages,  are :  the  slave- 
trade,  the  rights  of  neutrals,  the  engineers'  surveys, 
the  visit  of  General  Lafayette,  the  relations  of  our 
government  with  those  of  South  America,  the  Su- 


APPENDIX.  251 

preme  Court,  and  the  Indians.  A  convention  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  declaring  the 
slave-trade  piratical,  has  been  concluded  but  not  yet 
ratified.  An  effort  has  been  made,  on  occasion  of  the 
war  between  France  and  Spain,  to  put  upon  a  more 
just  basis  the  rights  of  neutral  vessels  in  time  of  war, 
and  it  is  hoped  will  prove  successful.  In  view  of  the 
extensive  roads  and  canals  now  projected,  it  is  rec 
ommended  that  the  corps  of  engineers  be  increased. 
The  arrival  of  General  Lafayette  and  his  warm  wel 
come  are  mentioned,  and  it  is  suggested  that  in 
consideration  of  his  services  a  suitable  provision  be 
tendered  him  by  Congress.  The  independent  States 
of  South  America  are  reported  to  be  following  the 
example  of  our  prosperity,  in  spite  of  some  presum 
ably  temporary  disturbances ;  the  most  friendly  feel 
ings  toward  them  are  expressed.  The  President 
recommends  an  organization  of  the  Supreme  Court 
which  will  relieve  the  judges  of  that  court  from  any 
duties  not  connected  with  it,  and  will  be  more  suited 
to  the  requirements  of  the  present  day  ;  that  some 
wise  and  humane  arrangement  be  made  for  the  In 
dians  (perhaps  settling  them  in  the  territory  toward 
the  Rocky  Mountains),  which  will  lead  to  their  per 
manent  settlement  in  agricultural  pursuits,  and  ulti 
mately  to  their  civilization,  for  which  it  is  our  solemn 
duty  to  provide ;  and  that  the  propriety  of  establish 
ing  a  military  station  on  the  Pacilic  Coast  be  consid 
ered.  He  again  reminds  the  nation  of  the  many 
blessings  it  enjoys,  and  exhorts  it  to  preserve  them 
from  dangers  without  and  dissensions  within,,  and 


252  APPENDIX. 

concludes  this,  his  last  annual  message,  with  expres 
sions  of  gratitude  for  the  public  confidence  and  the 
generous  support  received  from  his  fellow-citizens. 

During  the  session  of  1825  several  brief  special 
messages  were  sent  to  Congress.  In  the  first,  dated 
January  5,  the  President  requests  a  full  investigation 
of  his  accounts  with  the  government  during  his  long 
public  service,  with  a  view  to  a  decision  upon  them 
hereafter.  In  the  second,  dated  January  10,  he 
gives  reasons  for  withholding  the  documents,  called 
for  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  concerning  the 
conduct  of  Commodore  Stewart  and  Mr.  Provost  in 
South  America.  With  the  third,  also  addressed  to  the 
House  and  dated  January  27,  he  transmits  a  report 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  in  regard  to  the  removal  of 
Indians  to  the  West,  and  recommends  that  some 
scheme  of  good  government  for  them  be  adopted. 
With  the  fourth,  of  February  14,  he  transmits  to  the 
House  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  on  certain 
surveys  for  internal  improvements.  The  fifth,  of 
February  17,  concerns  special  affairs  of  the  District 
of  Columbia.  The  sixth,  of  February  21,  again 
refers  the  claims  of  the  Massachusetts  militia  to  Con 
gress,  to  whom,  and  not  to  the  Executive,  belongs 
the  decision  of  the  matter.  The  last  message,  dated 
February  26,  1825,  concerns  a  matter  of  mere  rou 
tine,  the  unintentional  neglect  to  sign  a  certain  bill. 


APPENDIX.  253 


IV. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF   MONROE,    AND    THE    MONROE 
DOCTRINE. 

PREPARED   FOR  THIS  WORK   BY  J.    F.    JAMESON,    PH.  D. 

THE  following  bibliography  has  been  prepared 
with  a  view  to  the  needs  of  persons  specially  study 
ing  the  career  of  Monroe,  rather  than  to  those  of 
the  general  reader.  Hence  it  does  not  ordinarily  in 
clude  references  to  the  most  familiar  sources,  such  as 
the  State  Papers,  the  published  correspondence  of 
Washington,  etc.,  and  the  standard  histories.  It  aims 
to  include  nothing  that  does  not  bear  directly  upon 
Monroe  or  the  Monroe  Doctrine ;  nor,  in  even  the 
limited  area  thus  marked  out,  can  it  hope  to  be 
complete.  The  titles  under  A  are  arranged  alpha 
betically  by  authors  ;  those  under  B  chronologically  ; 
those  under  C  first  chronologically,  according  to  the 
period  of  Monroe's  public  life  to  which  they  refer, 
and  then  alphabetically  by  authors.  At  least  one 
locality  of  a  book  or  pamphlet,  unless  it  be  a  common 
one,  has  been  designated  when  known.  In  such  des 
ignations,  at  the  end  of  the  title,  A  indicates  the 
existence  of  a  copy  in  the  Astor  Library  ;  B,  in  the 
Boston  Public  Library ;  BA,  in  that  of  the  Boston 
Athenaeum;  C,  in  the  library  of  Congress;  H,  in 
that  of  Harvard  College  ;  JCB,  in  the  John  Carter 
Brown  Library  ;  JH,  in  that  of  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University ;  M,  in  the  Massachusetts  State  Library ; 


254  APPENDIX. 

MH,  in  that  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society ; 
N,  in  the  New  York  State  Library ;  NH,  in  that  of 
the  New  York  Historical  Society ;  P,  in  that  of  the 
Philadelphia  Library  Company ;  S,  in  that  of  the 
Department  of  State ;  W,  in  that  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society  at  Worcester.  The  Maryland 
Historical  Society  is  supplied  with  most  of  the  works 
to  which  reference  has  been  made  in  the  preparation 
of  this  volume. 

SYNOPSIS. 

A.  BIOGRAPHICAL. 

B.  PUBLISHED  WRITINGS  or  MONROE. 

C.  PUBLICATIONS  RELATING   TO   THE  PUBLIC  CAREER  OR 

THE  WRITINGS  or  MONROE. 

1.  First  Diplomatic  Service  and  the  "  View." 

2.  Louisiana  Purchase  and  Spanish  Mission. 

3.  Diplomatic  Efforts  in  England. 

4.  Period  of  Cabinet  Office. 

5.  Presidency. 

6.  Subsequent  Period. 

D.  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

1.  Its  Immediate  Origin. 

2.  Discussion  of  it  in  Treatises  on  International  Law. 

3.  In  more  Special  Treatises  and  Articles. 
a.  American.  b.  European. 

4.  Occasions  on  which  it  has  been  applied. 

a.  The  Panama  Congress. 

b.  Yucatan. 

c.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty. 

d.  Central  America,  1845-1860. 

e.  Cuba,  etc.,  1850-1860. 

f.  French  Intervention  in  Mexico. 

g.  The  Inter-oceanic  Canal. 

h.  America  North  of  the  United  States. 


APPENDIX. 


255 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

A.  BIOGRAPHICAL. 

John  Quincy  Adams :  An  Eulogy  on  the  Life  and  Character 
of  James  Monroe,  Fifth  President  of  the  United  States,  .  .  . 
delivered  at  ...  Boston,  August  25,  1831.     Boston,  1831. 
8vo,  pp.  100.     BA,  N. 
(See  [John  Armstrong]  under  C.  6,  p.  268.) 

John  Quincy  Adams  :  Lives  of  Celebrated  Statesmen.  [Madi 
son,  Lafayette,  and  Monroe.]  New  York,  1846.  8vo,  pp. 
105.  N. 

John  Quincy  Adams  :  The  Lives  of  James  Madison  and  James 
Monroe,  Fourth  and  Fifth  Presidents  of  the  United  States. 
With  Historical  Notices  of  their  Administrations.  Buffalo, 
1850.  12mo,  pp.  432.  C.  +  Philadelphia,  1854.  M.1 

S.  L.  Gouverneur  :  Introduction  to  "  The  People,  the  Sover 
eigns,"  by  James  Monroe.  See  under  B. 

S.  L.  K[napp] :  in  James  B.  Longacre  and  James  Herring, 
National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished  Americans,  vol. 
3.  Philadelphia,  1836.  8vo. 

[S.  L.  Knapp]  :  James  Monroe,  [n.  p.  n.  d.]  8vo,  pp.  10. 
(Portrait.) 

Joshua  Leavitt :  The  Administration  of  Monroe.  Harper's 
Monthly  Magazine,  vol.  29,  p.  461.  September,  1864. 

Lippincott's  Magazine,  first  series,  vol.  9,  p.  359. 

A  Narrative  of  a  Tour  of  Observation,  made  during  the  Sum 
mer  of  1817,  by  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United 
States,  through  the  North-Eastern  and  North- Western  De 
partments  of  the  Union  ;  with  a  View  to  the  Examination  of 
their  several  Military  Defences.  With  an  Appendix.  Phila 
delphia,  1818.  12mo,  pp.  228,  xxxvi.  B,  C,  N. 

New  England  Magazine,  vol.  1,  p.  178. 

New  York  Mirror,  vol.  12  [1834-5],  p.  41.     (Portrait.) 

Niles'  Register,  vol.  10,  p.  4,  March  2,  1816 ;  from  the 
National  Advocate.  Also,  December  3,  1825,  and  vol.  35, 
p.  68.  Also,  vol.  40,  p.  369,  July  23,  1831. 

1  The  sign  -f-  indicates  another  edition. 


256  APPENDIX. 

Order  of  Exercises  at  the  Old  South  Church,  Commemora 
tive  of  .  .  .  James  Monroe.  .  .  .  August  25,  1831.  Boston, 
1831.  8vo,  pp.  8.  B. 

T.  Paine  :  Anecdote  of  James  Monroe  and  Rufus  King,  in 
Political  Writings.  London,  1844.  BA,  C. 

Portfolio,  vol.  19,  p.  251  ;  fourth  Series,  vol.  5.  Philadelphia, 
April,  1818.  (Portrait.) 

S.  Putnam  Waldo  :  Tour  of  James  Monroe,  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  the  Year  1817,  through  the  States  of  Mary 
land,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  Connecticut, 
Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
and  Ohio ;  together  with  a  Sketch  of  his  Life.  Hartford, 

1818.  12mo,  pp.  300.     BA. 

S.  P.  Waldo  :  Tour  of  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United 
States,  through  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States,  in  1817  ; 
his  Tour  in  1818,  with  a  Sketch  of  his  Life.  Hartford, 

1819.  12mo.     C. 

In  Edwin  Williams  :  The  Statesman's  Manual.     New  York, 

1847.     8vo,  vol.  1. 

Udolpho  Wolfe  :  Grand  Civic  and  Military  Demonstration  in 
Honor  of  the  Removal  of  the  Remains  of  James  Monroe, 
Fifth  President  of  the  United  States,  from  New  York  to  Vir 
ginia.  New  York,  1858.  12mo,  pp.  324.  C. 
(And  numerous  unimportant  notices  in  lives  of  the  presi 
dents,  cyclopaedias,  and  biographical  dictionaries.) 

B.  PUBLISHED  WRITINGS  or  MONROE, 

(in  addition  to  the  messages,  dispatches,  and  letters  which 
may  be  found  in  familiar  sources.  Manuscripts  of  Monroe's 
public  papers  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Department  of 
State;  much  of  his  private  correspondence  is  in  the  posses 
sion  of  Mrs.  S.  L.  Gouverneur,  Jr.,  of  Washington.) 

A  View  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Executive,  in  the  Foreign 
Affairs  of  the  United  States,  connected  with  the  Mission  to 
the  French  Republic  in  the  years  1794,  '5,  and  '6.  By  James 
Monroe.  .  .  .  Illustrated  by  his  Instructions  and  Correspond- 


APPENDIX.  257 

ence  and  other  Authentic  Documents.     Philadelphia,  1797. 
8vo,  pp.  Ixvi.,  407.    -\-  Same,  the  Second  Edition.    London, 
1798.    8vo,  pp.  viii.,  117.   -f-  Same,  the  Third  Edition.   Lon 
don,  1798.     8vo,  pp.  xvi.,  117. 
[See  London  Monthly  Review,  vol  25,  p.  232.] 

Governor's  Letter  to  the  Speaker  and  House  of  Delegates  of 
Virginia,  6th  December,  1802.  Richmond,  1802.  12mo.  C. 

A  Letter  from  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  to  Lord  Mulgrave,  late  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  With  [James  Madison] :  An  Examination  of  the 
British  Doctrine  which  subjects  to  Capture  a  Neutral  Trade 
not  open  in  Time  of  Peace,  [n.  p.]  1806.  8vo,  pp.  204. 
-f  Second  Edition.  London,  1806.  B,  C. 

Correspondence  between  .  .  .  Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  James  Monroe,  Esq.  .  .  .  Boston, 
1808.  4to,  pp.  8.  BA. 

Letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  Monroe,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake.  The  Correspondence 
of  Mr.  Monroe  with  the  British  Government;  and  also, 
Mr.  Madison's  Correspondence  with  Mr.  Rose,  on  the  same 
subject.  Washington,  1808.  8vo.  (Peabody  Library,  Bal 
timore.) 

Letters  of  James  Madison  ...  to  Mr.  Monroe  on  ...  Im 
pressments,  etc.  Also  Extracts  from,  and  Enclosures  in,  the 
Letters  of  Mr.  Monroe  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  Washing 
ton,  1808.  8vo,  pp.  130.  B,  MH. 

Defence  of  the  Mission  to  England.  .  .  .  Washington,  1808. 
8vo. 

Letters  between  James  Monroe,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States,  and  Augustus  J.  Foster,  Esq.,  .  .  . 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  His  Britannic  Majesty  ;  in  rela 
tion  to  the  Orders  in  Council,  and  the  Affair  of  the  Little 
Belt.  To  which  is  added,  the  Declaration  of  War.  New 
York,  1812.  12mo,  pp.  59.  B. 

To  all  who  are  honestly  searching  after  the  Truth.    Mr.  Mon 
roe's  Letter  on  the  Rejected  Treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  concluded  by  Messrs.  Monroe  and 
17 


258  APPENDIX. 

Pinkney.     Also  the  Treaty  itself,  and  Documents  connected 
with  it.     Portland,  1813.     8vo,  pp.  52.     BA,  C. 

Commercial  Regulations  of  Foreign  Countries.  [Message.] 
Washington,  1819.  BA. 

Message  from  the  President,  transmitting  Sundry  Papers 
relating  to  Transactions  in  East  and  West  Florida.  April 
19,  1822.  [Washington,  1822  ]  Pp.  46.  P. 

Message  transmitting  a  Digest  of  the  Commercial  Regula 
tions  of  the  Different  Foreign  Nations.  Washington,  1824. 
18th  Congress,  1st  Session,  House  Doc.  No.  130.  BA,  M. 

Message  transmitting  a  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
Washington,  1824.  8vo.  C. 

Correspondence  between  Gen.  Jackson  and  Mr.  Monroe,  as 
published  in  the  National  Intelligencer.  Washington,  1824. 
12mo.  N. 

The  Memoir  of  James  Monroe,  Esq.,  relating  to  his  Unsettled 
Claims  upon  the  People  and  Government  of  the  United 
States.  [With  documents.]  Charlottesville,  Va.,  1828.  8vo, 
pp.  60.  BA,  C,  NH. 

A  Letter  from  James  Monroe,  in  Answer  to  ...  Questions 
[on  War  and  Slavery,  etc.]  .  .  .  [n.  p.  1863?].  8vo,  pp. 
32.  H. 

The  People,  the  Sovereigns,  Being  a  Comparison  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  with  those  of  the  Republicks, 
which  have  existed  before,  with  the  Causes  of  their  Deca 
dence  and  Fall.  By  James  Monroe.  Edited  by  S.  L.  Gou- 
verneur.  Philadelphia,  1867.  12mo,  pp.  274. 
(See,  under  C  6,  C.  C.  Hazewell,  p.  267.) 

C.  PUBLICATIONS  RELATING   TO  THE  PUBLIC  CAREER  OR 
THE  WRITINGS  OF  MONROE. 

1.  First  Diplomatic  Service  and  the  "  View." 

Alexander  Addison  :  Observations  on  the  Speech  of  Albert 
Gallatin  on  the  Foreign  Intercourse  Bill.  Washington, 
Pa.,  1798.  8vo. 

An  Address  on  the  Past,  Present,  and  Eventual  Relations  of 


APPENDIX.  259 

the  United  States  to  France.    By  Anticipation.    New  York, 
[1803],     8vo,  pp.  20.     A. 

P.  A.  Adet:  Notes  adresse'es  par  le  citoyen  Adet,  Ministre 
Plenipotentiaire  de  la  Republique  Fran9aise  pres  les  Etats- 
Unis  d'Amerique,  Au  Secretaire  d'etat  des  Etats-Unis. 
Philadelphia,  1796.  8vo,  pp.  95.  -f-  Same,  translated. 

[P.  A.  Adet] :  Authentic  Translation  of  a  Note  from  the  Min 
ister  of  the  French  Republic  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States.    New  York,  1796.     8vo,  pp.  38.    N. 
(See,  also,  Wm.  Cobbett.) 

The  Anti-Gallican  ;  or,  The  Lover  of  his  own  Country ;  in  a 
Series  of  Pieces  .  .  .  wherein  French  Influence,  and  False 
Patriotism,  are  fully  and  fairly  displayed.  By  a  Citizen  of 
New  England.  Philadelphia,  1797.  8vo,  pp.  82.  [Includes 
Letters  on  Pseudo-Patriots,  by  Ascanius ;  of  which  No.  VI. 
is  on  James  Monroe.]  H. 

Camillus,  pseud. :  History  of  French  Influence  in  the  United 
States.  Philadelphia,  1812.  M. 

[•William  Cobbett]  :  A  History  of  the  American  Jacobins,  com 
monly  denominated  Democrats.  By  Peter  Porcupine.  In 
Wm.  Playfair,  The  History  of  Jacobinism.  Philadelphia, 
1795.  P. 

[William  Cobbett] :  The  Gros  Mosqueton  Diplomatique ;  or, 
Diplomatic  Blunderbuss,  containing  Citizen  Adet's  Notes  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  as  also  his  Cockade  Proclamation. 
With  a  Preface  by  Peter  Porcupine.  Philadelphia,  1796. 
8vo,  pp.  72.  C. 

William  Cobbett:  Porcupine's  Works.  London,  1801.  8vo. 
[Vol.  iv.  contains  The  Diplomatic  Blunderbuss  (Oct.  31, 
1796)  ;  Political  Censor,  No.  vi.  (Nov.  1796) ;  A  Brief 
Statement  of  the  Injuries  and  Insults  received  from  France 
(Feb.  1797).  In  vol.  v.  pp.  131-138;  vol.  vi.  pp.  12,  13,  92- 
98,  116-124,  358-376,  414-417  ;  vol.  vii.  pp.  90-95,  151-156, 
are  notices  of  Monroe's  doings,  from  Porcupine's  Gazette, 
1797.  Vol.  x.,  Dr.  Morse's  Exposition  of  French  Intrigue 
in  America.] 

Coup  d'oeil  sur  la  situation  des  affaires  entre  la  France  et  les 
Etats-Unis  de  FAmerique.  1798.  8vo,  pp.  28.  BA. 


260  APPENDIX. 

J.  Dennis  :  Address  on  the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Present  State 
of  French  Aggression.  Philadelphia,  1798.  BA. 

Wm.  Duane :  A  History  of  the  French  Revolution,  with  a 
free  Examination  of  the  Dispute  between  the  French  and 
American  Republics.  Philadelphia,  1798.  4to. 

Joseph  Fauchet :  Coup  d'oeil  sur  1'ctat  actuel  de  nos  rapports 
politiques  avec  les  Etats-Unis  de  PAmerique  Scptentrionale ; 
par  J.  Fauchet,  Ex-miuistre  de  la  Republique  a  Philadelphie. 
Paris,  an  V.  [1797.]  8vo,  pp.  42.  H. 

Joseph  Fauchet :  A  Sketch  of  the  Present  State  of  our  Polit 
ical  Relations  with  the  United  States  of  North  America. 
.  .  .  Translated  by  the  Editor  of  the  "  Aurora."  [Wm.  J. 
Duane.]  Philadelphia,  1797.  8vo,  pp.  31.  BA. 

A  Five  Minutes'  Answer  to  Paine's  Letter  to  Washington. 
London,  1797.     8vo,  pp.  44.     MH. 
(See  below,  T.  Paine.) 

[Albert  Gallatin] :  An  Examination  of  the  Conduct  of  the 
Executive  of  the  United  States  towards  the  French  Repub 
lic  ;  ...  In  a  Series  of  Letters.  By  a  Citizen  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  Philadelphia,  1797.  8vo,  pp.  vi.,  72.  BA. 

Albert  Gallatin :  The  Speech  of  Albert  Gallatin,  delivered  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  ...  on  the  First  of  March, 
1798.  Upon  the  Foreign  Intercourse  Bill.  [n.  p.  1798.] 
8vo,  pp.  48.  (And  other  editions.)  BA,  H,  MH,  P,  JCB. 

[A.  G.  Gebhardt]  :  Actes  et  Mc'moires  concernaut  les  nego- 
ciations  qui  out  eu  lieu  entre  la  France  et  les  Etats-Unis 
d'Ame'rique.  [1793-1800.]  Londres,  1807.  3  vols.  12mo. 
BA. 

A.  G.  Gebhardt:  State  Papers  relating  to  the  Diplomatick 
Transactions  between  the  American  and  French  Govern 
ments.  [1793-1800.]  London,  1816.  3  vols.  8vo.  BA. 

L.  Goldsmith :  An  Exposition  of  the  Conduct  of  France  to 
America,  illustrated  by  Cases  decided  in  the  Council  of 
Prizes  in  Paris.  [1793-1808.]  London,  1810.  8 vo,  pp.  133. 
(Various  other  editions.)  B,  BA,  H. 

[Alexander  Hamilton].     See  [Uriah  Tracy]  below. 

R.  G.  Harper :    Observations  on  the  Dispute  between  the 


APPENDIX.  261 

United  States  and  France,  addressed  by  Robert  Goodloe 
Harper,  Esq.,  of  South  Carolina,  to  his  Constituents,  in 
May,  1797.  Philadelphia,  1797.  8vo,  pp.  102.  (And  twenty 
other  editions.)  B,  BA,  H,  NH,  P. 

R.  G.  Harper :  Mr.  Harper's  Speech  on  the  Foreign  Inter 
course  Bill,  in  Reply  to  Mr.  Nicholas  and  Mr.  Gallatin.  De 
livered  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States, 
on  the  second  of  March,  1798.  [n.  p.  n.  d.]  Svo,  pp.  43. 
(And  other  editions.)  B,  H,  MH,  NH,  P. 

R.  G.  Harper :  A  short  Account  of  the  principal  Proceedings 
of  Congress  in  the  late  Session,  and  a  Sketch  of  the  State 
of  Affairs  between  the  United  States  and  France,  in  July, 
1798,  in  a  Letter  to  one  of  his  Constituents.  Philadelphia, 
1798.  Svo. 

P.  Kennedy :  An  Answer  to  Mr.  Paine's  Letter  to  General 
Washington ;  or,  Mad  Tom  convicted  of  the  Blackest  In 
gratitude.  London,  1797.  Svo,  pp.  55.  JCB. 

A  Letter  to  Thomas  Paine,  in  Answer  to  his  Scurrilous  Epis 
tle  ...  to  Washington  ...  By  an  American  Citizen.  New 
York,  1797.  Svo,  pp.  24, 

L'Inde'pendance  absolue  des  Americains  des  Etats-Unis,  prou- 
vee  par  1'e'tat  actuel  de  leur  Commerce  avec  les  Nations 
Europeennes.  Paris,  1798.  Svo,  pp.  149.  (Written  by  an 
American  merchant,  in  answer  to  Fauchet,  Coup  d'ceil, 
above.) 

Thomas  Paine :  A  Letter  to  George  Washington,  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  Affairs  Public  and  Private.  Phila 
delphia,  1796.  Svo,  pp.  76.  (And  other  editions.)  B,  BA, 
H.  (Also  in  vol.  i.  of  Works.  Philadelphia,  1854.  12mo.) 

E.  C.  J.  Pastoret :  Conseil  des  Cinq-Cents  :  motion  d'ordre  sur 
1'e'tat  de  nos  rapports  politiques  et  commerciaux  avec  les 
Etats-Unis  de  I'Amerique  septentrionale.  Paris,  an  V. 
[1797.]  Svo,  pp.  26.  BA. 

[Timothy  Pickering]  :  Lettre  du  Secretaire  d'Etat  des  Etats- 
Unis  de  I'Amerique  au  General  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  Min- 
istre  Plenipotentiaire  des  dits  Etats-Unis  pres  la  Rcpublique 
Fran9aise ;  en  reponse  aux  differeutes  plaintes  faites  centre 


262  APPENDIX. 

le  gouvernement  des  Etats-Unis  par  le  Ministre  Fran9ais 
.  .  .  1796.  Paris,  1797.  8vo,  pp.  62. 

Timothy  Pickering  and  P.  A.  Adet :  Review  of  the  Adminis 
tration  of  the  United  States  since  '93.  Boston,  1797.  BA. 

C.  C.  Tanguy  de  la  Boissiere :  Observations  sur  la  de'peche 
e'crite  le  16  Jan.,  1797,  par  M.  Pickering,  Secretaire  d'Etat 
des  Etats-Unis  de  1'Amerique,  a  M.  Pinkney,  Ministre  Pleni- 
potentiaire  des  Etats-Unis  pres  la  Republique  Fran9aise. 
Philadelphie,  1797.  Also,  translated.  BA,  C. 

[Uriah  Tracy,  or  (?)  Alexander  Hamilton] :  Reflections  on 
Monroe's  View,  ...  as  published  in  the  Gazette  of  the 
United  States  under  the  Signature  of  Scipio.  [a.  p.  n.  d.] 
8vo,  pp.  88.  BA,  P. 

[Uriah  Tracy,  or  (?)  Alexander  Hamilton] :  [Scipio's]  Reflec 
tions  on  Monroe's  View.  .  .  .  Boston,  1798.  8vo,  pp.  140. 
C,  H,  M. 

George  Washington :  Notes  on  Monroe's  View,  Sparks,  xi. 
504-529.  (His  Notes  on  the  Appendix  to  the  View  are 
printed  in  Appendix  III  of  this  book.) 

[R.  Walsh] :  An  Enquiry  into  the  Past  and  Present  Relations 
of  France  and  the  United  States  of  America.  [London, 
1811.]  8vo,  pp.  87.  (Reprinted  from  the  American  Review, 
vol.  i.) 

2.  Louisiana  Purchase  and  Spanish  Mission. 

Analysis  of  the  Third  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Cession  of 
Louisiana.  [Washington.  (?)]  1803.  8vo,  pp.  8. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  32,  p.  301.  The  Louisiana  Purchase. 
(Has  been  reprinted.) 

Samuel  Brazer,  Jr. :  Address  pronounced  at  Worcester,  May 
12,  1804,  in  Commemoration  of  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States.  Worcester,  1804.  8vo,  pp.  15.  MH. 

[Charles  Brockden  Brown]  :  An  Address  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  on  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to  the 
French,  and  on  the  late  Breach  of  Treaty  by  the  Spaniards. 
Philadelphia,  1803.  8vo,  pp.  92.  C,  N. 

[Charles  Brockden   Brown]  :    Monroe's  Embassy ;  or,  The 


APPENDIX.  263 

Conduct  of  the  Government  in  relation  to  our  Claims  to 
the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  considered,  by  the  Au 
thor  of  the  Address  to  the  Government.  .  .  .  [Signed  "  Pop- 
licola."]  Philadelphia,  1803.  8vo,  pp.  57.  BA,  C. 

Camillus,  pseud.     See  Duane,  below. 

James  Cheetham  :  Letters  on  our  Affairs  with  Spain.  New 
York,  1804.  8vo,  pp.  59.  C. 

"Wm.  Duane:  Mississippi  Question.  Report  of  a  Debate  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  23d,  24th,  and  25th 
Feb.,  1803,  on  Certain  Resolutions  concerning  the  Viola 
tion  of  the  Right  of  Deposit  in  the  Island  of  New  Orleans. 
Philadelphia,  1803.  8vo,  pp.  198.  BA,  H. 

[WTO..  Duane] :  Camillus,  pseud.  The  Mississippi  Question 
fairly  stated,  and  the  Views  and  Arguments  of  those  who 
clamor  for  War,  examined.  In  Seven  Letters.  Philadel 
phia,  1803.  8vo,  pp.  48.  BA. 

["Win.  Fessenden] :  The  Political  Farrago,  or  a  Miscellaneous 
Review  of  the  Politics  of  the  United  States,  .  .  .  including 
,  .  .  Remarks  on  the  "  Louisiana  Purchase,"  ...  by  Peter 
Dobbin,  Esq.,  R.  C.  U.  S.  A.  Brattleboro',  Vt.,  1807,  pp. 
59.  W. 

Wm.  Maclure :  To  the  People  of  the  United  States  on  the 
Convention  with  France  of  1803.  Philadelphia,  1807.  P. 

A.  B.  Magruder :  Reflections  on  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States.  Lexington,  1803.  BA.  « 

F.  de  Barbe-Marbois :  Histoire  de  la  Louisiane  et  de  la  Ces 
sion  de  cette  Colonie  par  la  France  aux  Etats-Unis  de 
1'Amerique  septentrionale.  Paris,  1829.  8vo,  pp.  485 
BA,  H. 

F.  de  Barbe-Marbois :  The  History  of  Louisiana,  particularly 
of  the  Cession  of  that  Colony  to  the  United  States  of 
America.  Translated  from  the  French  by  an  American 
Citizen.  [William  Beach  Lawrence.]  Philadelphia,  1830. 
8vo,  pp.  xviii.,  455.  C,  H.  (See  Sparks,  below.) 

Memoires  sur  la  Louisiane  et  la  Nouvelle-Orle'ans,  accompagne 
d'une  Dissertation  sur  les  avantages  que  le  commerce  de 
1'Empire  doit  tirer  de  la  stipulation  faite  par  1'article  7  du 


264  APPENDIX. 

Trait^  de  cession,  du  30  avril  1803  ;  par  M.  *  *  *  Paris,  an 
XII.  (1804).     8vo,  pp.  176. 

G.  Morris.    See  Ross,  below. 

Geo.  Orr  :  The  Possession  of  Louisiana  by  the  French,  consid 
ered  as  it  affects  the  interests  of  those  Nations  more  imme 
diately  concerned,  viz. :  Great  Britain,  America,  Spain,  and 
Portugal.  London,  1803.  8vo,  pp.  45.  BA. 

J.  M.  Peck  :  The  Annexation  of  Louisiana.  Christian  Review, 
vol.  16,  p.  555. 

Political,  Commercial,  and  Statistical  Sketches  of  the  Spanish 
Empire  in  both  Indies  ;  and  a  View  of  the  Questions  between 
Spain  and  the  United  States  respecting  Louisiana  and  ;he 
Floridas.  London,  1809.  8vo,  pp.  156.  BA. 

David  Ramsay :  Oration  on  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to  she 
United  States;  delivered  May  12, 1804,  in  Charleston,  S.C. 
Charleston,  1804.  8vo,  pp.  27.  BA. 

J.  Ross  and  G  Morris  :  Speeches  in  support  of  Ross's  resolu 
tions  relating  to  the  Free  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 
Philadelphia,  1803.  BA. 

Jared  Sparks  :  The  History  of  the  Louisiana  Treaty.  North 
American  Review,  vol.  28,  p.  389  (April,  1829),  and  vol.  30, 
p.  551  (April,  1830).  (Reviews  of  Marbois  and  of  tlw 
translation  of  it.) 

Sylvestris,  pseud. :  Reflections  on  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States.  Washington,  1803.  BA,  P. 

B.  Vaughan  :  Remarks  on  a  Dangerous  Mistake  made  as  to 
the  East  Boundary  of  Louisiana.  Boston,  1814.  8vo,  pp. 
28.  BA. 

3.  Diplomatic  Efforts  in  England. 

American  Candour,  in  a  Tract  lately  published  at  Boston,  en 
titled  "An  Analysis,".  .  .  etc.  (See  [J.  Lowell],  below.) 
London,  1809.  8vo. 

American  State  Papers  and  Correspondence  between  Messrs. 
Smith,  Pinkney,  Marquis  Wellesley,  General  Armstrong,  M. 
Champagny,  M.  Turreau,  Messrs.  Russell,  Monroe,  Foster, 
etc.  London,  1812.  8vo,  pp.  187,  116.  H. 


APPENDIX.  265 

Nathaniel  Atcheson :  American  Encroachment  on  British 
Rights.  London,  1808,  pp.  xiii.,  cxiii.,  250.  Also  in  Pam 
phleteer,  vol.  6,  pp.  33-98,  361-400.  BA. 

A.  B. :  Six  Letters  of  A.  B.  on  the  Difference  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America,  with  a  Preface 
by  the  Editor  of  the  Morning  Chronicle.  London,  1807. 
8vo,  pp.  48.  BA. 

Alex.  Baring  :  An  Inquiry  into  the  Causes  and  Consequences 
of  the  Orders  in  Council;  and  an  Examination  of  the  Con 
duct  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  Neutral  Commerce  of 
America.  London,  1808  (and  other  editions).  C,  H,  P. 
(See  T.  P.  Courtenay,  below.) 

[Charles  B.  Brown,  or  G.  Morris]  :  The  British  Treaty  [of 
1806.  n.  p.  1807.]  8vo,  pp.  86.  BA.  -f- The  British  Treaty 
with  America,  with  an  Appendix  of  State  Papers ;  which 
are  now  first  published.  London,  1808.  8vo,  pp.  147.  N. 

James  Cheetham  :  Peace  or  War?  or,  Thoughts  on  our  Affairs 
with  England.  New  York,  1807.  8vo,  pp.  44.  B,  BA, 
MH. 

[T.  P.  Courtenay]  :  Observations  on  the  American  Treaty,  in 
Eleven  Letters.  First  published  in  "  The  Sun,"  under  the 
Signature  of  "  Deems."  London,  1808.  8vo,  pp.  75. 

T.  P.  Courtenay  :  Additional  Observations  on  the  American 
Treaty,  with  some  Eemarks  on  Mr.  Baring's  Pamphlet ; 
being  a  Continuation  of  the  Letters  of  Decius.  To  which  is 
added  an  Appendix  of  State  Papers,  including  the  Treaty. 
London,  1808.  8vo,  pp.  viii.,  94,  Ixix.  N. 

[Alexander  J.  Dallas]  :  An  Exposition  of  the  Causes  and 
Character  of  the  late  War  with  Great  Britain.  Baltimore, 
1815.  (And  other  editions.)  BA,  C. 

Decius,  pseud.     See  [T.  P.  Courtenay],  above. 

A  Farmer,  pseud.     See  Senex,  pseud.,  below. 

Thos.  G.  Fessenden  :  Some  Thoughts  on  the  Present  Dispute 
between  Great  Britain  and  America.  Philadelphia,  1807. 
8vo,  pp.  91.  P. 

An  Inquiry  into  the  Present  State  of  the  Foreign  Relations  of 
the  Union,  as  affected  by  the  Late  Measures  of  Administra 
tion.  Philadelphia,  1806.  8vo,  pp.  183.  BA. 


266  APPENDIX. 

Wm.  Lee :  Les  Etats-Unis  et  1'Angleterre,  ou,  Souvenirs  et 
Reflexions  d'un  Citoyen  Americain.  [1791-1814.]  Bor 
deaux,  1814.  8vo,  pp.  346.  BA,  C,  H. 

[J.  Lowell]  :  Analysis  of  the  Late  Correspondence  between  our 
Administration  and  Great  Britain  and  France.  With  an 
Attempt  to  show  what  are  the  Real  Causes  of  the  Failure  of 
the  Negociations  between  France  and  America.  [Boston, 
1808.]  BA.  (See  American  Candour,  above.) 

[J.  Lowell]  :  Supplement  to  the  late  Analysis  of  the  Public 
Correspondence  between  our  Cabinet  and  those  of  France 
and  Great  Britain.  [Boston,  1808.]  8vo,  pp.  28.  BA. 

[J.  Lowell]  :  Thoughts  upon  the  Conduct  of  our  Administra 
tion  in  Relation  both  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  more 
especially  in  Reference  to  the  Late  Negotiation,  concerning 
the  Attack  on  the  Chesapeake ;  by  a  Friend  to  Peace. 
[1808.] 

[J.  Madison.]     See  under  B,  A  Letter,  etc.,  1806. 

[James  McHenry]  :  Three  Patriots,  [Jefferson,  Madison,  and 
Monroe,]  or,  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  Present  Evils.  Balti 
more,  1811.  8vo.  M. 

B.  Mihir,  pseud. :  Considerations  in  Answer  to  the  Pamphlet 
containing  Madison's  Instructions  to  Monroe.  Albany,  1807. 
BA. 

[G.  Morris]  :  An  Answer  to  "  War  in  Disguise  ; "  or,  Remarks 
upon  the  New  Doctrine  of  England  concerning  Neutral 
Trade.  New  York,  1806.  8vo,  pp.  76.  (See,  also,  [Charles 
B.  Brown],  above.) 

Timothy  Pickering :  Letters  addressed  to  the  People  of  the 
United  States  of  America  on  the  Conduct  of  the  Past  and 
Present  Administrations  of  the  American  Government 
towards  Great  Britain  and  France.  London,  1812.  8vo, 
pp.  168. 

The  Present  Claims  and  Complaints  of  America  briefly  and 
fairly  considered.  London,  1806.  8vo,  pp.  56. 

Remarks  on  the  British  Treaty  with  the  United  States.  Liver 
pool,  1807.  BA. 

Report  of  the  Committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  Corre- 


APPENDIX.  267 

spondence  between  Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr.  Canning,  and 
between  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Rose,  relative  to  the  Attack 
on  the  Chesapeake.  April  16,  1808.  Washington,  1808. 

Senex,  pseud. :  Letters  under  the  signatures  of  "  Senex  "  and 
of  "A  Farmer,"  comprehending  an  examination  of  the 
conduct  of  our  Executive  toward  France  and  Great  Britain, 
out  of  which  the  present  crisis  has  arisen.  Originally  pub 
lished  in  the  North  American.  Baltimore,  1809.  8vo,  pp. 
108.  BA. 

The  Tocsin ;  an  Inquiry  into  the  Late  Proceedings  of  Great 
Britain,  etc.  Charleston,  1807.  P. 

War  in  Disguise ;  or,  the  Frauds  of  Neutral  Flags.  London, 
1805.  8vo,  pp.  215.  (See  [G.  Morris],  above.) 

4.  Period  of  Cabinet  Office. 

(See   [John  Armstrong],  under  6,  below.) 

E.  D.  Ingraham  :  A  Sketch  of  the  Events  which  preceded  the 
Capture  of  Washington  by  the  British  on  the  Twenty -fourth 
of  August,  1814.  Philadelphia,  1849.  8vo,  pp.  66.  A,  B, 
BA,  C. 

Remarks  on  "  An  Enquiry,"  etc.  (See  next  title.)  Baltimore, 
1816.  8vo.  BA. 

Spectator,  pseud. :  Enquiry  respecting  the  Capture  of  Washing 
ton  by  the  British.  Washington,  1816.  8vo.  BA. 

United  States,  13th  Congress,  3d  session.  Report  of  Commit 
tee  to  inquire  into  the  Causes  and  Particulars  of  the  Inva 
sion  of  the  City  of  Washington  by  the  British  Forces,  Au 
gust.  Washington,  1814.  8vo.  BA. 

J.  S.  Williams :  History  of  the  Invasion  and  Capture  of  Wash 
ington.  New  York,  1857.  12mo.  BA. 

5.  Presidency. 
Exposition  of  the  Motives  for  opposing  the  Nomination  of  Mr. 

Monroe  for  the  Office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

Washington,  1816.     8vo,  pp.  14.     B,  BA. 
[C.  Pinckney] :   Observations  to  show  the  Propriety  of  the 

Nomination  of  Col.  J.  Monroe  to  the  Presidency.  Charleston, 

1816.    BA. 


268  APPENDIX. 

Edward  T.  Channing :  Oration  delivered  at  Boston,  July  4, 

1817.  Boston,  [1817.]    8vo,  pp.  24.     BA,  MH,  W. 

[J.  Forsyth]  :  Observaciones  sobre  la  Memoria  del  Senor  Onis, 
relativa  a  la  Negociacion  con  los  Estados  Uuidos.  (See  next 
title  but  one.)  Madrid,  1822.  8vo. 

Official  Correspondence  between  Don  Luis  de  Onis,  Minister 
from  Spain,  .  .  .  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  relation  to 
the  Floridas  and  the  Boundaries  of  Louisiana,  etc.  London, 

1818.  8vo,  pp.  130.    C. 

Luis  de  Onis  :  Memoria  sobre  las  negociaciones  cntre  Es- 
pana  y  los  Estados-Unidos  de  America,  que  dieron  motivo 
al  Tratado  de  1819  ;  con  una  noticia  sobre  la  estadistica  de 
aqucl  pais,  [i.  e.  Florida.]  Acompana  un  Ape'ndice.  Ma 
drid,  1820.  8vo.  H. 

[L.  de  Onis]  :  Memoir  upon  the  Negotiations  between  Spain 
and  the  United  States  of  America,  which  led  to  the  Treaty 
of  1819.  With  a  Statistical  Notice  of  that  Country,  [Florida]. 
Accompanied  by  an  Appendix.  [Translated  by  Tobias  Wat- 
kins.]  Washington,  1821.  8vo.  H. 

John  Overton  :  A  Vindication  of  the  Measures  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  his  ...  Generals,  in  the  Commencement  and 
Termination  of  the  Seminole  War.  Washington,  1819. 
8vo.  N. 

Wm.  Patterson :  Letter  to  Peter  Van  Schaack,  Kinderhook, 
N.  Y.,  on  President  Monroe  and  his  Cabinet  (1822).  In 
Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  6,  p.  217. 

J.  F.  Ratteubury  :  Remarks  on  the  Cession  of  the  Floridas  to 
the  United  States  of  America,  etc.  London,  1819.  8vo.  C. 
Also  in  Pamphleteer,  vol.  15. 

United  States,  18th  Congress,  2d  Session.  [1825.]  Reports  of 
Committees,  79.  On  President  Monroe's  Accounts.  B. 

Verus,  pseud.:  Observations  on  the  Existing  Differences  be 
tween  Spain  and  the  United  States.  Philadelphia,  1817. 
BA. 

6.  Subsequent  Period. 

[John  Armstrong]  :  Notice  of  Mr.  Adams'  Eulogium  on  the 
Life  and  Character  of  James  Monroe.  [Washington,  1832.] 
8vo,  pp.  32.  C,  M,  N. 


APPENDIX.  269 

United  States,  30th  Congress,  2d  Session.     [1849.]     Senate. 

Miscellaneous    Documents,    10.     On    President    Monroe's 

Manuscript  Papers. 
C.  C.  Hazewell :  Review  of  "  The  People,  the  Sovereigns." 

North  American  Review,  vol.  105,  p.  634.     (Also  noticed 

in  the  Nation,  vol.  5,  p.  109.) 

D.  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

President  Monroe's  Seventh  Annual  Message,  December  2, 
1823.  In  Williams'  Statesman's  Manual,  vol.  1,  pp.  460, 
461 ;  State  Papers,  Foreign  Affairs,  vol.  5,  pp.  245-250. 

1.  Its  Immediate  Origin. 

The  Principles  of  the  Holy  Alliance ;  or  Notes  and  Manifestoes 
of  the  Allied  Powers.  London,  1823. 

North  American  Review,  vol.  17,  p.  340,  October,  1823.  (Re 
view  of  the  above.  See  especially  pp.  373-375.) 

Diplomatic  Review,  vol.  13,  pp.  65-69  (August  2,  1865),  73- 
74  (September  6,  1865),  81-86  (October  4,  1865). 

F.  R.  de  Chateaubriand,  Congres  de  Verone.  Guerre  d'Es- 
pagne.  Negotiations.  Colonies  espagnoles.  2e  ed.  Paris, 
1838.  2  vols.  8vo.  C.  -|-(  Translated),  Memoirs  of  the  Con 
gress  of  Verona.  London,  1838.  2  vols.  8vo.  C,  N. 

Briefwechsel  zwischen  Varnhagen  von  Ense  und  Oelsner. 
Vol.  3. 

A.  G.  Stapleton :  The  Political  Life  of  the  Right  Honorable 
George  Canning,  1822-1827.  3  vols.  London,  1831. 

Conference  of  Mr.  Canning  with  Prince  Polignac,  October  9, 
1823  ;  in  Annual  Register,  vol.  66,  p.  99. 

George  Canning :  Speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Decem 
ber  12,  1826.  In  Hansard's  Parliamentary  Debates,  New 
Series,  vol.  16,  pp.  390-398;  Annual  Register,  vol.  68,  p. 
192  ;  Canning's  Speeches,  vol.  6,  pp.  108,  109. 

Richard  Rush :  Memoranda  of  a  Residence  at  the  Court  of 
London.  Philadelphia,  1845.  2  vols. 

John  Quincy  Adams :  Diary.     Vols.  4  and  6,  passim. 


270  APPENDIX. 

v  John  T.  Morse,  Jr. :  John  Quincy  Adams.  [American  States 
men  Series.]  Pp.  130-137. 

Mr.  Adams  to  Mr.  Rush,  July  22,  1823.  State  Papers,  For 
eign  Affairs,  vol.  5,  pp.  791-793,  etc. 

x  Mr.  Clay's  Resolution,  offered  January  20,  1824.  Annals  of 
Congress,  18th  Congress,  1st  Session,  vol.  1,  p.  1104;  Ben- 
ton's  Abridgment,  vol.  8,  p.  650 ;  Niles'  Register,  vol.  25, 
p.  335. 

*  President  Monroe's  EighUi  Annual  Message,  December  7, 
1824.  In  Statesman's  Manual,  vol.  1,  pp.  476,  479,  480; 
State  Papers,  Foreign  Affairs,  vol.  5,  pp.  353-359. 

y    Jefferson  to  Monroe,  October  24,   1823.     Works,  vol.  7,  pp. 

315-317. 

*  Madison  to  Monroe,  October  30,  1823.    Works,  vol.  3,  p.  339. 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography.      No.  23. 
1882.     Extracts   from   the  Letters  and  Diary  of  William 
Plumer,  Jr. 

2.  Discussion  of  it  in  the  Chief  Treatises  on  International  Law. 

J.  C.  Bluntschli :  Droit  International  Codifie.  Paris,  1870. 
Pp.  253,  254.  S,  JH. 

Carlos  Calvo :  Derecho  Internacional  Tedrico  y  Practice  de 
Europa  y  Ame'rica.  Paris,  1868.  Vol.  1,  pp.  142-154,  and 
note  (from  Dana's  Wheaton).  S.  -f-  French  translation, 
Droit  International,  etc.  3e  ed.,  Paris,  1880.  JH. 

Sir  Edward  S.  Creasy  :  First  Platform  of  International  Law. 
London,  1876.  Pp.  120-124.  S,  JH. 

A.  W.  Heffter:  Das  Eurojiaische  Volkerrecht  der  Gegenwart. 

Berlin,  1873.     Pp.  96-98.     S,  JH. 

>  Wm.  Beach  Lawrence :  Commentaire  sur  les  Elements  du 
Droit  International  et  sur  L'Histoire  des  Progres  du  Droit 
des  Gens  de  Henry  Wheaton.  Leipzig  (4  vols.),  1868-1880. 
Vol.  2  (1869),  pp.  297-394.  S,  JH. 

K  G.  F.  de  Martens  :  Precis  du  Droit  des  gens  modcrne  de  1' Eu 
rope  ;  augmente  des  notes  de  Pinheiro-Ferreira.  Paris, 
1864.  Vol.  1,  pp.  208-214.  S. 

y-  Robert  Phillimore  :  Commentaries  upon  International  Law. 
London,  1854-1857.  Vol.  1,  p.  433.  JH. 


APPENDIX.  271 

Henry  Wheaton  :  Elements  of  International  Law.  Law 
rence's  edition  (1855),  p.  97  ;  Dana's  edition  (1866),  p.  112. 

3.  In  more  Special  Treatises  and  Articles. 

a.    AMERICAN. 

John  Quincy  Adams.     See  Edward  Everett,  below. 

America  for  Americans.  Democratic  Review,  vol.  32,  pp. 
187,  193;  vol.37,  p.  263. 

H.  A.  Boardman  :  New  Doctrine  of  Intervention,  tried  by  the 
Writings  of  Washington.  Philadelphia,  1852.  8vo,  pp. 
63.  C. 

James  Buchanan :  Article  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  in  Mr. 
Buchanan's  Administration  on  the  Eve  of  the  Rebellion, 
New  York,  1866.  8vo.  BA. 

Catholic  World,  vol.  31,  p.  116.    April,  1880. 

[Wm.  Duane] :  The  Two  Americas,  Great  Britain,  and  the 
Holy  Alliance.  Washington,  182-1.  8vo.  P. 

[A.  H.  Everett]  :  America,  or  a  General  Survey  of  the  Polit 
ical  Situation  of  the  Several  Powers  of  the  Western  Conti 
nent.  ...  By  a  Citizen  of  the  United  States.  Philadelphia, 
1827. 

>^  Edward  Everett,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  others :  The  Mon 
roe  Doctrine.  New  York,  1863.  8vo,  pp.  17.  Also,  as  No. 
34  of  the  Loyal  Publication  Society.  1863.  8vo,  pp.  11. 
[Contains  Mr.  Everett's  letter  of  September  2,  1863,  in  the 
New  York  Ledger,  and  Mr.  Adams'  letter  of  August  11, 
1837,  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Channing.]  H,  M. 

Harper's  Monthly,  vol.  18,  p.  418.  (Easy  Chair.)  The  Mon 
roe  Doctrine  Abroad. 

Intervention  of  the  United  States :  The  Crisis  in  Europe. 
Democratic  Review,  vol.  30,  pp.  401  and  554,  May,  June, 
1852. 

J.  A.  Kasson :  The  Monroe  Declaration.    North  American 

Review,  vol.  133,  pp.  241-254,  September,  1881. 
*   J.  A.  Kasson:  The  Monroe  Doctrine  in  1881.    North  Amer 
ican  Review,  vol.  133,  pp.  523-533,  December,  1881. 


272  APPENDIX. 

Gustav  Korner  :  The  True  Monroe  Doctrine.     Nation,  Janu 
ary  5,  1882,  vol.  34,  p.  9. 
Joshua  Leavitt :   The   Monroe   Doctrine.     Now  York,   1863. 

8vo,  pp.  50.     H.     (Reprint  of  article,  New  Englander,  vol. 

22,  p.  729,  October,  1863.     See,  also,  Joshua  Leavitt,  under 

A,  above,  a  part  of  that  article.) 
National   Quarterly  Review,  vol.   13,   p.   114.     (1866.)     The 

Monroe  Doctrine  and  the  South  American  Republics. 
J.  C.  Welling  :  The  Monroe  Doctrine  on  Intervention.     North 

American  Review,  vol.  82,  p.  478.     (1856.) 
Theodore  D.  Woolsey.     Article  "Monroe  Doctrine"  in  John 
son's  Cyclopaedia. 

b.  EUROPEAN. 
G.  Carnazza  Amari :  Nuova  Esposizione  del  Principio  del  non 

Intervento.     Catania,  1873.     Pp.  16-24.     S.     In  French,  in 

Revue  deDroit  International,  1873,  pp.  352-390,  531-566. 
Benner :  Article,  "  Intervention,"  in  Bluntschli's  Staatswort- 

erbuch. 
Carlos  Calvo :  Une  page  de  droit  international,  ou  1'Ameri- 

que  du  Sud  devant  la  science  du  droit  des  gens  moderne. 

Paris,  2eeU,  1870.     2  vols. 
Diplomatic  Review,  vol.  15,  p.  92. 
L.  B.  Hautefeuille :  Le  principe  de  Non-Intervention  et   ses 

applications   aux   evenements   actuels.     Paris,   1S63.     8vo. 

(Reprinted  from  Revue  Contemporaine,  vol.  34,  p.  193.) 
Heiberg:  Das  Princip  der  Nicht-Intervention.    Leipzig,  1842. 
L.  count  Kamarowsky  :  The  Principle  of  Non-Intervention  (in 

Russian).     Moscow,  1874. 

M.  Kapoustine  :  Le  droit  d'intervention.     1876. 
Don  Rafael  Manuel  de  Labra :  De  la  representacion  y  influ- 

encia  dc  los  Estados-Unidos  de  Ame'rica  en  el  derecho  in- 

ternacional.     Madrid,  1877.     8vo,  38  pp. 
D.  D.  de  Pradt :  Vrai  systeme  de  PEurope  relativement  a 

rAmerique.  .  .  .  1825.      C.      -f-  I*  Pamphleteer,  vols.  25 

and  26.     BA. 
H.  von  Rottcck  :  Das  Recht  der  Einmischung  in  die  inneren 

Angelcgeuheiten  ernes  fremden  Staates.     Freiburg,  1845. 


APPENDIX.  273 

Carl  Riimelin:  Die  Monroe-Doctrin.  Zeitschrift  fiir  die 
gesammte  Staatswissenschaft.  Tubingen,  1882.  Heft  2. 

Hermann  Strauch :  Zur  Interventions-Lehre.  Eine  volker- 
rechtliche  Studie.  Heidelberg,  1879.  See  especially  pp. 
17,  18. 

4.  Occasions  on  which  it  has  been  Applied. 

a.   THE  PANAMA   CONGRESS. 

Mr.  Adams'  Messages  of  February  2,  1826  (St.  P.,  V.  794- 
797)  and  March  21  (V.  834-897).  (Those  of  December  26, 
1825,  and  March  15, 1826,  are  to  be  found  in  United  States, 
etc.,  below.) 

American  Annual  Register,  1826,  chap.  iv. 

Benton's  Thirty  Years,  vol.  1,  p.  65. 

Henry  Clay's  Dispatch  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  March  25,  1825  :  In 
State  Papers,  Foreign  Affairs,  vol.  5,  pp.  908,  909. 

Coronel  Don  Bernardo  Monteagudo  :  Ensayo  sobre  la  Necesi- 
dad  de  una  Federacion  Jeneral  entre  los  Estados  Hispano- 
Americanos,  y  Plan  de  su  Organisacion.  Obra  Pdstuma  del 
H.  Coronel  D.,  etc.  Lima,  1825.  (See  Sparks,  below.) 

Niles'  Register,  vols.  30,  36,  passim. 

D.  D.  de  Pradt:  Congres  de  Panama.  Paris,  1825.  8vo. 
BA. 

Revue  Britannique,  mars,  1826,  pp.  159-176.  Congres  de 
Panama. 

[Jared  Sparks]:  Alliance  of  the  Southern  Republics.  In 
North  American  Review,  vol.  22,  p.  162,  January,  1826. 
(Review  of  Monteagudo,  above.) 

J.  M.  Torres  Caicedo :  Union  latina  americana,  etc.  Union 
latine-americaine ;  la  pensee  de  Bolivar,  son  origine  et  ses 
developpements.  Paris,  1875.  (Reviewed  by  A.  Villamus, 
in  Revue  Politique  et  Litteraire,  30  sept.,  1876.) 

United  States,  19th  Congress,  1st  Session.  [68.]  The  Execu 
tive  Proceedings  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the 
subject  of  the  Mission  to  the  Congress  at  Panama,  together 
with  the  Messages  and  Documents  relating  thereto.  Wash 
ington,  1826.  8vo,  pp.  160.  B,  P. 
18 


• 


274  APPENDIX. 

United  States,  19th  Congress,  1st  Session.  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  [Document  No.  129.]  Congress  of  Panama. 
Message  from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  ...  in 
relation  to  the  Proposed  Congress  to  be  held  at  Panama. 
Washington,  1826.  8vo,  pp.  90. 

United  States.  Congressional  Debates,  1 9th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  vol.  2.  Bentou's  Abridgment,  viii.  417-472,  637- 
675  (Senate) ;  ix.  48-50,  62-76,  90-218  (House  of  Repre 
sentatives). 

Don  Manuel  Lorenzo  de  Vidaurre :  Speech  on  opening  the 
Congress.  Niles'  Register,  vol.  31,  pp.  44-47. 

Von  Hoist :  Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,  vol. 
1,  pp.  409-432. 

Webster's  Speech,  in  Works,  vol.  3,  pp.  178-217. 


C.  Lefebvre  de  Becour:  Des  rapports  de  la  France  et  de 
1'Europe  avec  l'Amerique  du  Sud.  From  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,  juil.,  1838.  BA. 

b.   YUCATAN. 

Mr.  Folk's  Annual  Message  of  December  2,  1845  (Statesman's 
Manual,  iii.  1458) ;  his  Special  Message  on  Yucatan,  of 
April  29,  1848  (iii.  1737).  (Benton,  xvi.  187,  188.) 

Congressional  Globe,  vol.  18,  and  Appendix.  30th  Congress, 
1st  Session.  Bcuton's  Abridgment,  xvi.  188,  189  (House) ; 
189,  190,  196-204  (Senate). 

Calhoun's  Speech,  May  15,  1848,  in  Works,  iv.  454-479. 

Von  Hoist,  iii.  448-453. 

C.    THE   CLAYTON-BULWER    TREATY. 

Treaty  with  New  Granada,    December  12,    1846,  especially 

Art.  35.     In  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  x. 
Clayton  and  Bulwer  Convention,  19th  April,  1850,  between 

the  British  and  American  Governments,  concerning  Central 

America,  with  Correspondence.     1856.     8vo. 
Joseph  P.  Comegys  :  Memoir  of  John  M.  Clayton.     (Papers 

of  the  Historical    Society  of  Delaware,  iv.)     Wilmington, 

1882.     Pp.  190-202,  211-234.     JH. 


APPENDIX.  275 

Congressional  Globe.    32d  Congress,  2d  Session,  vol.  26,  1853. 

33d  Congress,  1st  Session,  vol.  28,  1853.    Appendix,  vol.  29. 

34th  Congress,  1st  Session,  1855-1856,  and  appendix.     35th 

Congress,  1st  Session. 
Clarendon-Dallas  Treaty,  1856. 
Treaty  with  Nicaragua,  June  21,  1867. 
United  States.    34th  Congress,  1st  Session.     Senate  Ex.  Doc. 

35.     Messages  of   the  President  ...  on  the  construction 

of  the  Treaty  of  July  4,  1850.     (1856.) 
See  also  next  section,  and  the  last. 

d.   CENTRAL  AMERICA,  1845-1860. 

N[apoleon]  L[ouis]  B[onaparte] :  Canal  of  Nicaragua,  or  a 
Project  to  connect  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  by  means 
of  a  Canal.  London,  1846.  [Not  published.] 

Louis  Napole'on  Bonaparte  :  Le  Canal  de  Nicaragua,  ou  projet 
de  jonction  des  oceans  Atlantique  et  Pacifique.  Revue 
Britannique,  mai,  1849. 

[Sir  Henry  Bulwer] :  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 

Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  104,  pp.  267-298.     July,  1856. 
X  Canal  interoceanique  par  Tisthme  de  Darien,  Nouvelle  Granade 
(Amerique  du  Sud.)  Canalisation  par  le  colonisation.  Paris, 
1860.     8vo,  pp.  203.     A. 

Correspondence  with  the  United  States  respecting  Central 
America.  Printed  by  order  of  Parliament.  London, 
1856-1860.  Folio,  pp.  344. 

Democratic  Review,  Oct.  1852.  VoL  31,  p.  337.  Our  Foreign 
Relations.  Central  America. 

A.  Denain  :  Interets  qui  se  rattachent  a  Pisthme  de  Panama, 
et  aux  diffe'rentes  isthmes  de  I'Amerique  Centrale.  Paris, 
1845.  8vo.  C. 

Question  Anglo-Ame'ricaine.  Documents  officiels  e'change's 
entre  les  Etats-Unis  et  1'Angleterre  au  sujet  de  1'Ame'rique 
Centrale  et  du  traite  Clayton-Bulwer.  Paris,  1856.  8vo.  S. 

Xavier  Raymond :  Diplomatic  Anglo-Americaine ;  les  Ameri- 
cains  et  les  Anglais  au  Mexique  et  dans  I'Amerique  Cen 
trale.  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  15  avril,  1853. 


276  APPENDIX. 

E.  G.  Squier :  Letter  to  the  Hon.  H.  S.  Foote,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  on  the  Nicaragua  Treaty,  1850.  N. 

[E.  G.  Squier]  :  The  Mosquito  Question.  Whig  Review,  Feb 
ruary,  March,  1850. 

[E.  G.  Squier]  :  The  Islands  of  the  Gulf  of  Honduras.  Their 
Seizure  and  Organization  as  a  British  Colony.  Democratic 
Review,  vol.  31,  p.  544.  (November,  December,  1852.) 

E.  G.  Squier  :  The  States  of  Central  America  and  the  Hondu 
ras  Interoceanic  Railway.  New  York,  1858.  8vo,  pp.  782. 
N. 

e.  CUBA,  ETC.,  1850-00. 

G.  d'Alaux,  Cuba  et  la  propagande  anuexioniste.  Revue  dcs 
Deux  Mondes,  15  juil.,  1850. 

Buchanan,  Mason  and  Soule  :  the  "  Ostend  Manifesto."  Dip 
lomatic  Correspondence,  1854-1855.  Buchanan:  Message, 
Decembers,  1860. 

General  Cass  to  Lord  Napier,  May  12,  May  29,  1857,  .  .  .  No 
vember,  1858;  to  Mr.  Dodge,  October  2,1858.  (Spanish 
invasion  of  Mexico.) 

J.  Chanut,  La  Question  de  Cuba  aux  Etats-Unis  et  en  Europe. 
Revue  Contemporaine,  vol.  8,  p.  470.  (1859.) 

Congressional  Globe.  33d  Congress,  2d  Session.  ( 1 854-1 855. ) 
(Ostend  Manifesto.)  35th  Congress,  2d  Session.  (1859.) 
(Cuba.) 

Revue  Britannique,  aout,  1854;  pp.  257-290.  La  question 
de  Cuba,  jugee  an  point  de  vue  Ame'ricaine. 

[E.  G.  Squier?]:  The  Cuban  Debate.  Democratic  Review, 
vol.  31,  pp.  433,  624.  (November,  December,  1852.) 

f.    FRENCH   INTERVENTION   IN   MEXICO. 

Congressional  Globe.  37th  Congress,  3d  Session,  Appendix, 
p.  94.  38th  Congress,  1st  Session  ;  the  House  resolution 
of  April  4,  1864,  and  debate  on  it.  39th  Congress,  1st  Ses 
sion  ;  message  on  the  sending  of  Austrian  troops  to  Mexico, 
and  debate  thereon.  39th  Congress,  2d  Session  ;  on  Mex 
ican  affairs. 


APPENDIX.  277 

Democratic  Review,  vol.  32,  p.  39.     Mexico  and  the  Monroe 

Doctrine. 

Fraser's  Magazine,  vol.  64,  p.  717.   December,  1861.    Mexico. 
Free  Press,  Urquhart,  vol.  9.    November  6,  1861.     Collective 

Intervention  in  the  New  World. 
Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  vol.  50,  p.  415,  vol.  51,  p.  106. 

(June,    August,    1864.)      The    Conquest    of    Mexico    by 

France. 

"-*  V.  W.  Kingsley,  French  Intervention  in  Mexico,  1863,  pph.  N. 
A.  Laugel:  France  and  the  United  States.     Nation,  vol.1, 

p.  302.     (September  7,  1865.) 
*  Joshua  Leavitt :  The  Key  of  the  Continent.     New  Englander, 

vol.  23,  p.  517.     (July,  1864.) 
^  E.  Lefevre  :  Histoire  de  I'mtervention  fran£aise  au  Mexiqne. 

Vol.  2,  ch.  18,  etc.     Bruxelles  et  Londres.     1869. 
H.  Mercier  de  Lacombe :  Le  Mexique  et  les  Etats-Uuis.     2e 

ed.     Paris,  1863.     8vo.     B. 
Mexico  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine,     [n.  p.  1862?]     8vo,  pp. 

x^ation,  vol.  1,  p.  678.     November  30,  1865.     The  Solution 

of  the  Mexican  Problem. 

Revue  Britannique,  septembre,  1863,  pp.  213-224.     Le  Mex 
ique  au  point  de  vue  americaine,  avant  et  depuis  1'expedi- 

tion  francaise. 
G.   Reynolds:   Mexico.      Atlantic  Monthly,   vol.    14,  p.   51. 

July,  1864. 
J.  H.  Robinson  :  The  Mexican  Question.    North  American 

Review,  vol.  103,  pp.  106-142.     July,  1866. 
United  States :  Message  and  Documents,  Department  of  State, 

1863-1864. 
•Sj  United   States  :  Messages  of  the  President  of   the   United 

States  to  Congress,  with  accompanying  documents  relating 

to  the  Mexican  Question. 
Justus  Strictus  Veritas,  pseud. :  Nuevas  Reflexiones  sobre  la 

Cuestion  Franco-Mexicana.    Folleto  publicado  en  Paris,  el 

30  de  setiembre  de  1862,por  supplemeuto  alCorreo  de  ultra- 
'mar.    Mexico,  1862.     16mo,  pp.  192.    C. 


\ 
\ 


278  APPENDIX. 

Westminster  Review,  vol.  80,  p.  313.  October,  1863.  Tho 
French  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Same  art.,  Eclectic  Magazine, 
vol.  61,  p.  36.  Same  art.,  Living  Age,  vol.  79,  p.  251. 

g.    THE   INTER-OCEANIC    CANAL  —  (OFFICIAL). 

Congressional  Record,  vol.  9,  p.  2312.  Senator  Burnside's 
resolution,  June  25, 1879.  (46th  Congress,  1st  Session.  S. 
R.  No.  43.)  Further  discussion  in  vol.  10. 

President  Hayes:  Message,  March  8,  1880.  In  Congressional 
Record,  vol.  10,  p.  1399.  Since  printed  with  documents. 

Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States. 
1881.  Mr.  Elaine  to  Mr.  Lowell  (circular),  June  24,  1881, 
pp.  537-540.  Lord  Granville  to  Mr.  Hoppin,  November  10, 
1881,  p.  549.  Mr.  Elaine  to  Mr.  Lowell,  November  19, 
1881,  pp.  554-559;  November  29,  1881,  pp.  563-569. 

Earl  Granville  to  Mr.  West,  Jan  14,  (7?)  1882. 

Correspondence  respecting  the  projected  Panama  Canal.  Pre 
sented  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament  by  command  of  Her 
Majesty.  1882. 

Mr.  Frelinghuysen  to  Mr.  Lowell,  May  8,  1882. 

Don  Antonio  Aguilar,  Marquis  de  la  Vega  de  Armijo,  to  Don 
Francisco  Barca,  Spanish  Minister  at  Washington,  March 
15,  1882.  In  "  the  Red  Book,"  Madrid,  1882. 

Congres    International    d'Etudes   du    Canal   Interoce'anique. 

Compte  Rendu  des  Se'auces.     Paris,  1879. 
Bulletin  du  Canal  Interoceanique,  Nos.  1  to  60-J-.    (September 

1,  1879,  to  February  15,  1882.)     Paris. 

(UNOFFICIAL.) 

D.  Ammen  :   M.  de   Lesseps  and  his  Canal.     (See   Lesseps, 

below.)     North  American  Review,  vol.   130,  pp.   130-146. 

February,  1880. 

Cassell's,  December,  1879.     Panama  and  the  Isthmus. 
A  Dclawarean :  The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  and  the  report 

of  the  Committee  of  the  House  on  Foreign  Relations  against 

it.     May  1,  1880.     S. 
Edinburgh  Review,  April,  1 882.     The  Panama  Canal. 


APPENDIX.  279 

v    U.  S.  Grant :  The  Nicaragua  Canal.    North  American  Review, 

vol.  132,  pp.  197-116.     February,  1881. 
^  Harper's  Monthly  Magazine,  vol.  60.  p.  935.     (Easy  Chair.) 

Lesseps  and  the  Darien  Canal. 
The  International  Canal  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine.     New 

York,  1880.     16mo,  pp.  118. 
Sw   F.    de  Lesseps :  The    Interoceanic   Canal.    North  American 

Review,  vol.  130,  pp.  1-15.    January,  1880.     Vol.  131,  pp. 

75-78.     July,  1880. 

A.  Letellier :  Les  Travaux  du  Canal  de  Panama.     Nouvelle 
S.         Revue,  1  juil.,  1882. 
*     The  Monroe  Doctrine  and  Isthmian  Canal.    North  American 

\Review,  vol.  130,  p.  499. 
The  Nation,  vol.  30,  p.  90.     Februarys,  1880.     The  United 

States  Government  and  the  Panama  Canal. — Vol.  33,   p. 

348.     November  3,   1881.     American  Policy  towards   the 

Isthmus  Canal.  —  Vol.  34,  p.  92.     February  2,  1882.     An 
other  chapter  of  Mr.  Elaine's  Diplomacy.  —  Vol.  34,  p.  114. 

February  9,  1882.      Mr.  Elaine's  Manifesto.  —  Vol.  34,  p. 

156-157.— Vol.  34,  p.  200.    March  7,1882.    "A  Spirited 

Foreign  Policy." 
T.  W.  Osborn :  The  Darien  Canal.     International  Review, 

Vol.  7,  pp.  481-497.     November,  1879. 
Popular  Science  Monthly.    Vol.  16,  pp.  842-849.     April,  1880. 

Some  Features  of  the  Interoceanic  Canal  Question.     Vol. 

20,  pp.  273-275.   December,  1881 .    Our  policy  respecting  the 

Panama  Canal. 
Revue  Britannique,  juil.,  1879.    Le  Congres  du  Canal  Inter- 

oceanique. 
Dr.   Rudolf  Schleiden  :   Die  rechtliche  und   politische   Seite 

der  Panama-Canal-Frage,   Preuszische  Jahrbiicher,  Juni, 

1882. 

k.   AMERICA  NORTH   OF  THE  UNITED    STATES. 

Nootka-Sound  Convention  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain. 
October  28,  1790.     Recueil  des  Traites,  2e  ed.  iv.  492-499. 
y:  Treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Spain.    February  22, 
1819.     Statutes  at  Large,  viii.,  252-267.     Boston,  1867. 


\ 

\ 
\ 


280  APPENDIX. 

Ukase  of  the  Emperor  Alexander.  September  4,  (16,)  1821. 
State  Papers,  Foreign,  V. 

Message  from  the  President  of  the  United  States  ...  in  rela 
tion  to  Claims  set  up  by  Foreign  Governments,  to  Territory 
of  the  United  States  upon  the  Pacific  Ocean,  1822. 

W.  Sturgis :  Examination  of  the  Russian  Claims  to  the 
Northwest  Coast  of  Americf ,  North  American  Review,  vol. 
15,  pp.  370-401.  October,  1822. 

Robert  Greenhow  :  History  of  Oregon  and  California  and 
other  Territories  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of  North  America. 
Boston,  1845.  8vo.  (And  treaties  in  appendix.) 

Congressional  Globe.  40th  Congress,  1st  (extra)  Session. 
(Alaska  purchase.)  (Also  Canada  resolution.) 

C.  de  Varigny  :  La  doctrine  Monroe  et  le  Canada.  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes,  1879,  vol.  32. 


INDEX. 


ACCOLADE,  49,  50,  51. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  quoted  as 
to  origin  of  Monroe  Doctrine,  169. 

Adams,  Henry,  "  Life  of  Randolph," 
quoted,  35;  "Life  of  Gallatin," 
quoted,  168. 

Adams,  John,  2,  68,  125,  126,  127, 
165  ;  Monroe's  hostility  to  the  ad 
ministration  of,  64. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  quoted,  12, 
26,  38,  45,  97 ;  125,  126,  127,  169 ; 
sketch  of  his  career,  127  ;  in  Mon 
roe's  cabinet,  127-155 ;  relation  to 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  167-171  ; 
other  mention  of,  189,  191 ;  anec 
dote  of,  220. 

Ambrister  and  Arbuthnot,  execu 
tion  of,  141. 

Amelia  Island,  231,  232. 

America  for  Americans,  the  idea  of 
Monroe's  policy,  215. 

"American  language,"  50. 

Ames,  Fisher,  quoted,  68. 

Arnphictyonic  Council,  etc.,  27. 

Annapolis,  congress  at,  18  ;  conven 
tion  at,  21. 

Apollo,  seizure  of  the,  237. 

Arbuthnot,  execution  of,  141. 

Armstrong,  John,  108-124;  at  Bat 
tle  of  Bladensburg,  116. 

Auckland,  Lord,  96. 

Baltimore,  Monroe's  speech  at,  137. 

Bancroft,  George,  quoted,  19,  20,  22, 
24. 

Barlow,  Joel,  Minister  to  France, 
107. 

Barney,  Joshua,  carries  flag  to 
French  Convention,  51. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  126,  210. 

Bladeusburg,  Battle  of,  Monroe's  re 
lation  to,  116-124. 

Bonaparte,  Jerome,  marriage  of,  87. 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  negotiates  for 
sale  of  Louisiana,  74-90 ;  instructs 


Marbois,  79 ;  thanks  Marbois,  84 ; 
interview  with  Monroe,  84  ;  arbi 
trary  powers  of,  92,  93. 

Boundary,  Massachusetts  and  New 
York,  26. 

"Bowler,  Jack, "33. 

Brandywine,  Battle  of,  10. 

Breckenridge,  John,  32. 

Brock,  R.  C.,  218. 

Burr,  Aaron,  131. 

Cabinet  of  Monroe,  sketches  of  the 
members,  126-135. 

Calhouu,  John  C.,  126-130,  132,  135, 
142,  151,  155, 189, 210, 212;  sketch 
of  his  career,  128. 

Callender  publication,  71. 

Cambaceres,  M.,  81,  85. 

Camden,  Lord,  portrait  of,  6. 

Campan,  Madame,  friend  of  Hor- 
tensia  Hay,  178,  183. 

Canning,  George,  101,  143,  170, 171 ; 
relation  to  Monroe  Doctrine,  171. 

Capital,  public  buildings  at,  230; 
capture  of,  119-124. 

Carr,  Dabney,  4. 

Cary,  Archibald,  11. 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  141,  143,  167. 

Cevallos,  Don  Pedro,  95. 

Chateaubriand,  M.,  168. 

Chatham,  Lord,  portrait  of,  6,  7. 

Cherokees,  treaty  with,  238. 

Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal,  249. 

Civil  service,  Monroe's  attitude  re 
specting,  213,  214. 

Clay,  Henry,  126,  132,  133,  143,  155, 
189. 

Coast,  defence  of  :  see  Defence. 

Coit,  Daniel  L.,  letters  to,  38-62. 

Coit,  Joshua,  letters  hitherto  un- 
printed  on  the  state  of  the  Union  in 
1794,  38-62  ;  critical  relations  with 
France, 39;  French  "frenzy,"  39, 
43,  44 ;  Madison's  resolutions,  39 ; 
Southern  hostility  to  Great  Brit- 


282 


INDEX. 


ain,  40 ;  embargo,  42 ;  sequestra 
tion  of  British  debt  proposed,  42  ; 
Minister  to  England  talked  of,  42  ; 
Jay  nominated,  43;  embargo  de 
creed,  43  ;  danger  of  dissolution 
of  Union,  43,  44 ;  presentation  of 
the  French  flag,  62. 

College  life  of  Monroe,  8,  9. 

Commerce,  Monroe's  views  on  regu 
lation  of,  19-21,  237,  243. 

Commercial  relations  of  United 
States,  236. 

Committee  of  Public  Safety,  French, 
45,  46,  57. 

Confederation,  inefficiency  of  the, 
17-21. 

Congress,  Monroe's  action  as  dele 
gate  in,  17-26 ;  Coit's  letters  from 
(1794),  prior  to  Monroe's  first  mis 
sion,  38-44 ;  Monroe  on  the  pow 
ers  of,  239-247. 

Constitution  of  United  States,  Mon 
roe's  views  on  the  adoption  of 
and  on  the  powers  of,  27-30,  242, 
243. 

Convention  of  Virginia  (177G),  8  ; 
(1788),  17,  27  ;  (1830),  17. 

Convention,  French,  in  1794,  Mon 
roe's  relation  to,  45-55. 

Cornell  University  Library,  66. 

Correspondence,  delays  in  diplo 
matic,  55,  56,  61. 

Crawford,  William  H.,  126, 127, 130, 
131,  132,  138,  142, 155. 

Croix,  de  la,  60. 

Crowninshield,  Benjamin  W.,  127. 

Cullum,  George  W.,  quoted,  116, 
118. 

Cumberland  Road  Bill,  Monroe's 
veto  of,  and  explanation,  149,  239- 
249. 

Dane,  Nathan,  25. 

Dayton,  J.,  63. 

Debt,  national,  230,  235,  248,  249. 

Defence  of  coast  and  frontier,  229, 

230,  232,  235,  237,  238,  251. 
Diplomacy,  perils  of,  36  ;  delays  of, 

55,  56,  61. 
Diplomatic    relations,    presidential 

messages   on,   230-232,  234,    236, 

237,  249. 

District  of  Columbia,  232,  252. 
Dray  ton,  W.  H.,  134. 

England,  Monroe's  mission  to,  93- 
100,  211 ;  convention  with,  251. 
See  Treaty. 

"  Era  of  good  feeling,"  2. 

Erskine,  Mr.,  97. 


Eustis,  William,  Secretary  of  War, 
104,  107,  136. 

Federalists,  28-30,  67,  135. 

Finance :  see  Debt. 

Financial  embarrassment  of  Mon 
roe,  252. 

Flag,  presentation  of,  to  French 
Convention,  51 ;  to  American  Con 
gress,  62. 

Floridas,  desire  of  the  United  States 
to  acquire,  85,  95 ;  acquisition  of, 
135,  143;  see  also  Spain;  Jack 
son's  campaign  in,  140-143  ;  troub 
les  in,  232  ;  territorial  government 
of,  248. 

Foster,  Mr.,  105,  106. 

Foster,  Win.  E.,  compiles  a  bibliog 
raphy  of  American  statesmen,  vi. 

Fox,  Charles  J.,  96. 

France,  Monroe's  first  mission  to, 
36-73  ;  Monroe's  second  mission 
to,  74-93;  war  threatened  with, 
38,  39,  52  ;  our  natural  ally,  44  ; 
commercial  treaty  with,  234,  248. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  13. 

Frontier,  defence  of  :  see  Defence. 

Gabriel,  "General,"  32. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  104,  112,  168. 

Garnett,  James  M.,  219. 

Genet,  M.,  39. 

German  town,  Battle  of,  10. 

Ghent :  see  Treaty, 

Goose  Creek,  Virginia,  220. 

Gore,  C.,  68. 

Gouverneur,  S.  L.,  Mr.  and  Mrs., 
178,  183,  184,  191,  195,  196,  200. 

Gouverneur,  S.  L.,  quoted,  207. 

Gouverneur  manuscripts  relating  to 
Monroe,  hitherto  unprinted,  quot 
ed,  53,  55,  58,  63,  69,  70,  208,  etc. 

Government,  general,  and  the  sev 
eral  States,  Monroe's  views  on, 
239. 

Grayson,  W.,  24,  27,  30. 

Great  Britain,  convention  with,  251. 
See  England. 

Grigsby,  H.  B.,  quoted,  8. 

Haerlem,  Battle  of,  10. 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  30,  71,  164. 
Hamilton,  Paul,  104. 
Hammond's    "Political     History," 

quoted,  131. 
Harper,  Robert  G.,  68. 
Harrison,  Gov.  Benjamin,  23. 
Harrowby,  Lord,  93. 
Hart,  C.  F.,  quoted,  75. 
Harvard  College,  8,  129. 


INDEX. 


283 


Hawkesbury,  Lord,  93. 

Hay,  George  (Mr.  and  Mrs.),  178, 

182,  183,  191,  192,  194,  197,  220. 
Hay,  Hortensia,  178,  183. 
Henry,  Patrick,  9,  27. 
Hildreth,  R.,  quoted,  68,  69,  71. 
Hoar,  G.  F.,  8. 
Holland,  Lord,  97  ;  his  account  of 

negotiations    with    Monroe     and 

Pinkney,  98. 
Hoist,  von,  quoted,  130. 
"Homoselle,"  32. 
Hortense,  Queen,  178,  183. 
Howison's  "Virginia,"  quoted,  32. 

Illinois,  admission  of,  232. 

Imposts,  Monroe's  report  on  collec 
tion  of,  19,  20. 

Indians,  relations  with,  230-232,  236, 
'251,  252. 

Internal  improvements,  Monroe's 
views  on,  1-19,  230,  231,  250,  251, 
252  ;  message  on,  239-248. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  28,  126,  133,  134, 
140,  141,  142,  144,  155;  his  hostil 
ity  to  Monroe,  207  ;  Monroe's  re 
lations  to,  206. 

Jameson,  J.  F.,  compiles  a  Monroe 
bibliography,  253;  notes  by,  229. 

Jay,  John,  26,  31,  37  ;  Minister  to 
England,  43,  57-65. 

Jay's  treaty  :  see  Treaty. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  2,  12,  13,  15,  16, 
18,  22-2.4,  72,  74-77,  94,  102,  125, 
126, 152,'  156, 176, 194,  213  ;  begin 
ning  of  intimacy  with  Monroe,  16  ; 
estimate  of  Monroe,  209  ;  letter  to 
Livingston,  quoted,  73  ;  letters  to 
Monroe,  quoted,  18,  74  ;  relations 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  163,  165, 
166,  168,  170  ;  withholds  the  Mon 
roe  treaty,  97,  100. 

Jennings,  Edward,  6,  7. 

Jones,  Joseph  (Monroe's  uncle).  4; 
correspondence  with  Monroe,  13, 
14,  19,  58,  63,  71,  94,  175,  177. 

Kennedy,  J.  P.,  quoted,  131,  155. 

Kent,  James,  135. 

King,  Rufus,  24,  25,  125,  144,  145. 

Kiugsbury,  F.  J.,  quoted,  5. 

Knox,  General,  194. 

Kortwright,    Eliza  (Mrs.   Monroe), 

175,  177. 
Kortwright,  Lawrence,  175. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  56  ;  prisoner 
in  Olmiitz,  56,  150  ;  visits  Amer 
ica,  136,  150-155,  250,  251 ;  eti 


quette  as  to  his  reception,  151 ; 
examples  of  his  correspondence 
with  Monroe,  151-153 ;  offers  pe 
cuniary  assistance  to  Monroe,  154. 

Lafayette,  Madame,  56,  150. 

Lagrange,  Americans  welcomed  at, 
by  Lafayette,  152,  153. 

Land,  good,  promotes  good  society, 
5,  and  note. 

Lands,  public,  sale  of,  230,  235. 

Lawrence,  W.  B.,  translator  of  Mar- 
bois,  75. 

Lee,  Dr.,  7. 

Lee,  Henry,  4. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  4,  7,  24. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  5. 

Lewis  and  Clarke's  expedition,  76. 

Livingston,  R.  R.,  37 ;  Minister  to 
France,  77  ;  negotiates  for  Louis 
iana,  76-90 ;  writes  to  Monroe 
(April  10,  1803),  78  ;  his  midnight 
dispatch  to  Madison,  80  ;  estimate 
of  the  treaty,  83  ;  writes  to  Madi 
son  in  respect  to  cession  of  Lou 
isiana  (November  15,  1803),  88. 

Louisiana,  cession  of,  by  France  to 
the  United  States,  74-90 ;  circum 
stances  which  led  to  it,  90  ;  results 
which  came  from  it,  90  ;  Monroe's 
satisfaction  with,  86 ;  Livingston's 
story  of,  78,  83. 

Madison,  James,  2,  5,  16,  21-23,  32, 
34,  39,  93,  101,  102,  125,  126,  127, 
149,  156,  163,  164,  176,  194,  213 ; 
in  convention  of  1788,  27 ;  nom 
inated  as  President,  102;  Pres 
ident,  104-124;  cabinet  of,  104; 
letter  of  Monroe  to,  in  respect  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  108  ;  last 
letter  from  Monroe  to,  196  ;  last 
letter  to  Monroe,  198  ;  his  esti 
mate  of  Monroe,  209. 

Marbois,  Barbe',  his  work  on  the  ces 
sion  of  Louisiana,  74  ;  Monroe's 
estimate  of,  75  ;  negotiations  of, 
respecting  the  Louisiana  cession, 

Marriage  of  Monroe  to  Miss  Kort 
wright,  175-178. 

Marshall,  John,  9,  23,  181,  213  ;  in 
college  with  Monroe,  8 ;  in  Vir 
ginia  Convention  (1788),  27. 

Mason,  George,  2,  27. 

Mason,  Thompson,  2. 

Massachusetts,  boundary  dispute, 
26 ;  claims  of  for  compensation, 
250,252. 

McHenry,  James,  20. 

McKean,  Thomas,  63. 


284 


INDEX. 


McLane,  Louis,  quoted,  173. 

McLean,  John,  127,  209  ;  Monroe's 
letter  to,  202. 

Meade,  Bishop,  quoted,  7,  8. 

Meigs,  R.  J.,  127. 

Mercer,  Hugh,  9. 

Merlin  de  Douai,  49,  57. 

Mississippi,  Monroe's  memoir  on,  2G, 
75 ;  control  and  free  navigation 
of,  25,  26,  28,  45,  76,  95,  211,  215 ; 
Spanish  control  of,  90,  163;  de 
fence  of  valley  of,  238. 

Missouri,  admission  of,  144. 

Missouri  Compromise,  92,  135,  144- 
149. 

Monmouth,  Battle  of,  10. 

Monroe,  Andrew,  72,  218. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  text  of,  157-161 ; 
announcement  of,  249-250;  not 
a  personal  decree,  161 ;  its  grad 
ual  development  in  'the  utterances 
of  American  statesmen,  162-166 ; 
Canning's  relations  to,  171 ;  re 
ception  of  the  message,  172 ;  dis 
cussion  in  Congress,  173  ;  allusions 
to,  162-174  ;  Bibliography  of,  269. 

Monro,    George,  218. 

Monroe,  Hector,  4. 

Monroe,  James. 

Sources  of  information,  v. 
Manuscripts  of,  v. 
Bibliography  of  his  life  and  writ 
ings,  by  J.  F.  Jameson,  253. 
Synopsis  of  his  career,  xi,  1. 
Review  of  his  career,  200-217. 
Birth,  4. 

Pedigree,  218,  219. 
Boyhood,  5-7. 
College  life,  7-9. 
Revolutionary  service,  9-12. 
Student  of  law,  13-16. 
Intimacy  with  Jefferson   begins, 

16. 

Civil  service 'begins,  17. 
Delegate  to  Congress,  17-26. 
Views  on  collecting  imports,  22. 
Tour  to  the  West,  23. 
Views  on  territorial  government, 

24. 
Views  on  the  Navigation   of  the 

Mississippi,  26. 

Commissioner   on    boundary  dis 
pute,  26. 

Member  of  the  Virginian  Consti 
tutional  Convention  (1788),  27. 
Opposes  the  United   States  Con 
stitution,  27-29. 
Speeches,  in  relation  thereto,  27- 

29. 
United  States  Senator,  30-32. 


Governor  of  Virginia,  32-35. 
Suppresses  insurrection,  33. 
Envoy  to  France,  36-73. 
Instructions  from  E.   Randolph, 

Presented  to  French  Convention, 
46-51. 

Aids  Lafayette,  Paine,  and  others, 
56. 

Discusses  Jay's  treaty,  58. 

Recalled,  61-64. 

Publishes  his  "View,"  62-66. 

Its  reception,  66-68. 

Governor  of  Virginia,  32-35. 

Envoy  to  France,  Spain,  and  Eng 
land,  74-103. 

Negotiates  for  cession  of  Louisi 
ana,  76,  seq. 

Interview  with  Bonaparte,  84. 

Proceeds  to  England,  93. 

Visits  Madrid,  95. 

Negotiates  a  treaty  with  England, 
97. 

Which  is  not  ratified  by  Jeffer 
son,  97. 

Mission  described  by  Lord  Hol 
land,  98. 

Returns  to  America,  101. 

Is  talked  of  for  the  Presidency, 
102. 

Becomes  Secretary  of  State,  104. 

And  of  \Var,  ad  interim,  108. 

And  again  of  War,  119. 

At  the  Battle  of  Bladensburg,  117. 

His  narrative  of  capture  and  de 
fence  of  Washington,  118-124. 

Insists  on  a  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war,  124. 

President  of  the  United  States, 
125-155. 

Cabinet  of,  126-132. 

Opponents  of,  132. 

Important  subjects  of  his  admin 
istration,  135. 

Tours  to  the  North,  East,  "West, 
and  South,  136-140. 

Relations  to  Jackson,  142. 

Veto  of  Cumberland  lload  Bill, 
149. 

Receives  Lafayette,  150-155. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  origin  and 
enunciation  of,  .156-174,  249- 
250.  See  Monroe  Doctrine. 

Personal  appearance  and  domes* 
tic  relations  of,  175-199. 

Marriage,  175-178. 

Financial  affairs  of,  198,  252. 

Old  age,  200. 

Retrospect  of  his  life,  200. 

Estimates  of,  209. 


INDEX. 


285 


Dominant  political  idea  of,  215. 
Sketches  and  favorable  estimates 
by  Adams,  J.  Q.,  209. 
Benton,  210. 
Calhoun,  210. 
Lord  Holland,  99. 
Jefferson,  209. 
Kennedy,  J.  P.,  155. 
Lafayette,  154,  211. 
Madison,  209. 
McLean,  J.,  209. 
Lord  Stirling,  11. 
Thiers,  70. 
Washington,  11,  209. 
Watson,  185. 
Webster,  D.,  210. 
Wirt,  181. 

Suggested  by  a  review  of  his 
public  and  private  papers, 
213. 
Monroe,  James,  Bibliography  of,  by 

J.  F.  Jameson,  253. 
Biographies  of,  255. 
Monroe,  James,  Letters  of,  to  Joseph 
Jones,  13, 19,  71,  94. 

T.  Jefferson,  18,   19,  20,  23, 

176,  177. 

John  Randolph,  33. 
Lord  Stirling,  12,  16. 
Governor  Harrison,  23. 
James  Madison,  19,  21,  22,  23, 

1153,  176,  196. 
A.  Jackson,  28. 
G.  Washington,  55. 
Barbd  Marbois,  86. 
A  private  correspondent,  145. 
His  nephew,  179. 

Monroe  James,    Presidential    mes 
sages  of,  229-252. 

Principal  topics, 
Amelia  Island,  231,  232. 
Apollo,  seizure  of  the,  237. 
Capital,  public   buildings  at  the, 

Cherokees,  treaty  with,  238. 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal,  249. 
Commerce,  regulation  of,  237, 243. 
Commercial  relations,  236. 
Congress,  powers  of,  239-247. 
Constitution,  powers  of,  242,  243. 
Cumberland  Road   Bill,  veto  of, 

239,  249  ;  exposition  of  his  views 

on  the  subject,  239-248. 
Defence  of  coast  and  frontier,  229, 

230,  232,  235,  237,  238. 
Diplomatic  relations,  230,  231,  232, 

234,  236,  237,  249. 
District  of  Columbia,  232,  262. 
Finance.     See  National  Debt. 
Financial  accounts  of,  252. 


Florida,  territorial  government, 
248. 

Florida,  troubles  in,  232. 

Florida,  cession  of.     See  Spain. 

France,  commercial  treaty  with, 
234. 

France,  convention  with,  248. 

Ghent,  treaty  of,  230,  248. 

Government,  general,  and  of  sepa 
rate  States,  239. 

Great  Britain,  convention  with, 
251. 

Illinois,  admission  of,  232. 

Indians,  relations  with,  230-232, 

236,  251,  252. 

Internal  improvements,  230,  231, 
239-248,  250-252. 

Lafayette,  visit  of,  250,  251. 

Massachusetts,  claims  of,  for  com 
pensation,  250,  252. 

Mississippi,  Valley  of,  defence, 
238. 

"  Monroe  Doctrine,"  249,  250. 

National  debt,  230,  235,  248,  249. 

Neutrals,  rights  of,  250,  251. 

Northwest  Boundary,  negotiations 
respecting,  249. 

Pacific  Coast,  military  station  on, 
251. 

Pensions,  230. 

Privateering,  249. 

Protection  to  manufactures,  237. 

Public  lands,  sale  of,  230,  235. 

Reciprocity  system  of  1815,  237. 

Seminaries  of  learning,  231. 

Seminoles,  248. 

Slave-trade,  abolition  of,  234,  236, 

237,  249-251. 

South  American  revolutions,  232, 

235,  236,  248,  251. 

Spain  cedes  Florida,  233,  234,  236, 

238. 
Spain,    relations    with,   231-233, 

°36 

Stewart,  Commodore,  252. 
Supreme  Court,  251. 
Taxes,    internal,    repeal  of,   230, 

236,  237. 

Union,  prosperity  of ,  234,  236,  250, 
251. 

West    Point,   Military   Academy, 

248. 

Monroe,  John,  5,  218. 
Monroe,  Joseph,  72. 
Monroe,  Mrs.  James,  175-178,  182, 

183,  194,  195. 
Monroe,  Spence,  4. 
Monroe's  Creek,  Virginia,  4. 
Monroes  in  Massachusetts,  218. 
Montesquieu,  152. 


286 


INDEX. 


Morris,    Gouverneur,    31,   37,    G5; 

passports  of,  55. 
Mulgrave,  Lord,  96. 

"Napoleon  I.,  Correspondance  de," 

quoted,  82,  84.    See  Bonaparte,  N. 
Nepotism,   Monroe's  freedom  from, 

213,  214. 
Neutrals,  violations  of  the  rights  of, 

96,  250,  251. 

New  Orleans,  73,  75,  78,  88,  90. 
Nicholas,  John,  64. 
Noland,   R.  W.   N.,   description  of 

Oak  Hill,  219. 
Noland,  W.,  220. 
Northwest  boimdary,  negotiations 

respecting,  249. 
Northwest  territory,  24, 90-92.    See, 

also,  Louisiana. 

Oak  Hill  (Monroe's  residence),  194, 
199,  200  ;  description  of,  219,  220. 
Onis,  Luis  de,  Spanish  envoy,  143. 
Ordinance  of  1787,  24,  25. 

Pacific  coast,  military  station  on, 
251. 

Paine,  Thomas,  56,  Gl,  G7,  1G5. 

Patterson,  Miss,  87. 

Pensions,  230. 

Perceval,  Spencer,  104. 

Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society,  9. 

Pichon,  M.,  Gl,  G2. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  Gl  ;  answers 
Monroe,  G4. 

Pinckney,  C.  C.,  61,  62,  65. 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  37. 

Pinkney,  William,  Maryland  com 
missioner,  9G ;  Minister  to  Eng 
land,  9G  ;  described  by  Lord  Hol 
land,  98 ;  in  Madison's  cabinet, 
104. 

Pitt,  W.,  death  of,  9G. 

Plumer,  W.,  quoted  on  origin  of 
Monroe  Doctrine,  171. 

Pope,  William,  132. 

Pownall,  Thomas,  quoted,  162. 

Presidency,  Monroe's  apprehension 
respecting  the  permanence  of,  27  ; 
his  training  for,  216;  election, 
125  ;  reelection,  125 ;  dignity  of, 
155;  rival  candidates  for,  132, 
155. 

Presidential  messages,  Monroe's, 
synopsis  of,  229. 

Princeton  College,  8. 

Privateering,  249. 

Prosser,  Thomas,  32. 

Protection  to  manufactures,  237. 

Public  lands  :  see  Lands. 


Quincy,  Josiah,  132. 

Randall's  Jefferson,  quoted,  18,  170. 
Randolph,  Edmund,  27,  46,  61 ;  his 

instructions  to  Monroe,   44 ;    his 

criticisms  on  Monroe,  53. 
Randolph,  John,  his  friendship  and 

his  hostility  toward  Monroe,  33- 

35,  144,  190. 
Randolph,  Peyton,  2. 
Reciprocity  system  of  1815,  237. 
Richmond,  armory  at,  35. 
Robespierre,  fall  of,  45,  54. 
Rousseau,  interment  of,  51. 
Retrospect  of  Monroe's  career,  200. 
Rhea,  letter,  142. 
Rives,  W.  C.,  quoted,  173. 
Robertson's  "Debates,"  quoted,  27. 
Robinson,  Wm.,  quoted,  122. 
Ross  and  Cockburn,  118. 
Rush,  Richard,  126,  132,  143,  167. 
Rutledge,  72. 

Safety,  Committee  of  Public,  52,  58. 

Sanborn,  F.  B.,  quoted,  218. 

Schouler's  "  Hist,  of  United  States," 
quoted,  124, 1GG. 

Seaboard,  Atlantic,  defence  of,  135. 

Seminaries  of  learning,  231. 

Seminoles,  135,  140-144,  248. 

Shelby,  Governor  Isaac,  134. 

Short,  William,  letters  to,  from  Jef 
ferson,  166,  168. 

Slave-trade,  abolition  of,  234,  23(5, 
237,  249-251. 

Slavery,  24,  25,  144-147.  215. 

Smith,  Robert,  104. 

Smith,  General,  87, 120. 

South  American  States,  and  revolu 
tions,  232,  235,  236,  248,  251. 

Spain  yields  Louisiana  to  France,  76, 
90 ;  cedes  Florida  to  United  States, 
233,  234,  236,  238  ;  Monroe's  mis 
sion  to,  85,  95 ;  relations  with, 
231-233,  236. 

Sparks,  Jared,  quoted,  19,  64,  6G. 

State,  Secretary  of,  Monroe,  104. 

Stamp  Act,  5. 

Stewart,  Commodore,  252. 

Stirling,  Lord,  10-12, 16. 

Sumner,  Charles,  quoted,  162,  171. 

Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
251. 

Swift,  Joseph  G.,  136. 

Talleyrand,  M.,  negotiations  of  re 
specting  cession  of  Louisiana,  74- 
90. 

Taxes,  internal,  repeal  of,  230,  236, 
237. 


INDEX. 


287 


Thiers,  M.,  quoted,  in  respect  to 
Monroe,  70. 

Thompson,  Smith,  135. 

Ticknor,  George,  quoted,  61. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D. ,  125. 

Tours,  Monroe's,  to  North,  West, 
and  South,  136-140. 

Trade,  regulation  of,  by  Congress, 
21,  22. 

Treaty  with  Cherokees,  238 ;  with 
England  (Jay),  reception  of  in 
France,  5T-G1,  65,  66  ;  in  the  Unit 
ed  States,  63  ;  (Monroe  and  Pink- 
ney),  96,  97  ;  (of  Ghent),  144,  230, 
248 ;  with  France  (Monroe  and 
Livingston),  74-90;  with  France 
(commercial),  234,  248  ;  with  Spain 
(Florida  purchase),  143,  233-238. 

Trenton,  Battle  of,  10,  36. 

Trenton,  Congress  at,  18. 

Tucker,  St.  George,  quoted,  2,  3. 

Tuley,  Mrs.,  reminiscences  quoted, 
182. 

Tuyl,  Baron,  Adams's  conversation 
with,  169. 

Union,  Monroe's  attachment  to  the, 
146,  147 ;  possibility  of  dissolu 
tion,  28-30,  43,  44,  145,  208  ;  pros 
perity  of,  234,  236,  250,  251. 

University  of  Virginia,  16,  200. 

"  View  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Execu 
tive,"  by  Monroe  and  its  recep 
tion,  64-70,  221. 

Virginia,  Constitutional  Conven 
tions,  17,  27 ;  Monroe  in  Legisla 
ture  of,  17. 

Virginia,  Jeff erson's  Notes  on,  1 8. 

Virginia,  Monroe  Governor  of,  17. 

Waldo's  "President's  Tour,"  quoted, 

137. 
Walker,  John,  30. 


War  of  the  Revolution,  Monroe's 
service  in,  9-12. 

War  of  1812,  Monroe's  relations  to, 
123. 

War,  Seminole,  140. 

War,  danger  of,  with  France,  38-44  ; 
with  Spain,  95. 

Washburne,  E.  B.,  quoted,  48,  50. 

Washington,  British  capture  of,  118; 
Monroe's  narrative,  119-124. 

Washington,  Bushrod,  5,  9. 

Washington,  George,  2,  4,  9,  20,  29, 
30,  37,  52,  55,  64,  125,  194,  213  ; 
commends  Monroe,  11,  209  ;  his 
notes  on  Monroe's  "View,"  66; 
Appendix,  on,  221-229;  sugges 
tions  on  American  freedom  from 
European  interference,  163,  164; 
Monroe's  attitude  toward  the  ad 
ministration  of,  30,  37,  62,  GG,  67. 

Washington,  William,  10. 

Watson,  E.  R.,  personal  recollec 
tions  of  Monroe,  185-195. 

Webster,  Daniel,  126,  189 ;  on  Mon 
roe  Doctrine,  173. 

West,  Benjamin,  6. 

Westmoreland  County,  Virginia, 
noteworthy  men  of,  4,  G,  7,  218. 

West  Point,  United  States  Military 
Academy,  248. 

White  Plains,  Battle  of,  10. 

Wilkinson,  General,  quoted,  10. 

Williams,  J.  S.,  quoted,  118. 

William  and  Mary,  College  of,  7,  9, 

Williamsburg,  Virginia,  8,  9,  13. 

Winder,  General,  11G-124. 

Wirt,  William,  2,  102,  126,  127,  131, 

135,   155;    sketch  of    Monroe  as 

Governor,  180,  181,  195. 
Wolcott,  Oliver,  quoted,  67. 
Wythe,  George,  professor  of  law  at 

William  and  Mary,  13-15. 

Yale  College,  8. 


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